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2 Yale J.L. & Lib. 1 (1991)
Women and National Liberation Movements

handle is hein.journals/yjll2 and id is 7 raw text is: WOMEN AND
NATIONAL
LIBERATION
MOVEMENTS

By  Muriel Tillinghast* and  Patricia  McFadden**

Muriel Tillinghast:
Thank you for the invitation to Yale University - a
most unlikely institution at which to talk about the civil
rights movement. But things do change.
I was intrigued by the subject of women inside of
the civil rights movement because that really does get to
the core of interpersonal relations between activists, and
get inside the sanctum sanctorum. As I thought about this
discussion, I had to wrestle with myself about how honest
I was going to be about the struggle of being a female in
a liberation movement. But then I decided to lay out as
much as my fifteen or twenty minutes would allow; then
you can feel free to ask me what you like.
Prior to my joining the civil rights movement, I had
been engaged in basically a Christian organization. I had
been a member of the Lutheran Church. My first organiz-
ing effort was trying to get three hundred Luther Leaguers
to a national conference. I was nine at the time. By the
* Muriel Tillinghast is a human rights and community
activist. She was a key organizer for the Student Non-Violent
Coordinating Committee, and one of three female organizers
who headed county projects in Mississippi in 1964. She and
her staff were responsible for Washington, Issaquena and
Sharkey counties. She became the second state coordinator for
the Council of Federated Organizations, the umbrella civil
rights organization which called for the famous Mississippi
Summer Project. Ms. Tillinghast resides in Brooklyn, New
York, with her daughters, Bayo Callender and Aisha Hinton,
her two dogs and two cats. She does social services advocacy
in health and child welfare, labor issues and legal referral. She
has recently joined the administration of Children in Crisis,
which specializes in finding and counseling runaways and
kidnap victims.
** Patricia McFadden is a member of the African National
Congress who fled South Africa because of her political activi-
ties, and hopes to go home soon. She did her D.Phil at Ox-
ford, and does work on gender in Southern African society
and politics. She is presently doing research in Dakar, Senegal.
At the time a version of this paper was given at the Yale
Law School in April 1990, she was Visiting Professor at the
Africana Studies and Research Center at Cornell University.
She has three children, a son and a daughter still in South
Africa, and a young son with her.

time I had reached my college years, I had experience
organizing Luther Leagues on the Eastern Shore of Mary-
land. (Those of you who know the political geography of
the Eastern Shore will know that that experience gave me
a good introduction to Mississippi some years later.) And
as a Black female I had learned how to function and not
bow down in situations that might not necessarily be at
my command. And I learned how to face some very stri-
dent opposition very early in the game. So by the time
that I had joined the civil rights movement, I was an old
hand at how to get people moving and how to get ideas
out.
My early years in the movement were with NAG
(Non-Violent Action Group), which was basically the
Washington, D.C. representative of SNCC (Student Nonvi-
olent Coordinating Committee). My recollection was that
it was an egalitarian organization. In fact, when I think
about the question of gender distinctions in the civil rights
movement, and see how they affected my role and
SNCC's politics, I must conclude that the gender distinc-
tion began when the movement itself began to break in-
side.
Those of us in the movement considered ourselves
warriors. We knew that we were in a war. Basically my
experience was of being treated as if I had good sense
and as if I had something to offer that would be listened
to.
SNCC was overwhelmingly male, as I remember.
There weren't an awful lot of females, but those of us
who were female Project Directors held our own. In the
state of Mississippi there were three of us. We held down
- and that was literal - any number of counties. When
the SNCC staff came together to talk about increasing the
effectiveness of either the freedom vote or the cotton
allotment campaign, or running people for the school
board, or dealing with desegregation issues, or running the
freedom schools, I can't say truthfully that there was any
difference in the reception of what I had to say and the
reception of some of the males.
In the Movement there was a lot of give and take.
And SNCC had a style of operation which I guess was

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