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45 N.Y. L. Sch. L. Rev. 91 (2001-2002)
Nato's use of Force in the Balkans

handle is hein.journals/nyls45 and id is 113 raw text is: NATO'S USE OF FORCE IN THE BALKANS

JUDITH A. MILLER
I am very pleased to be part of this celebration of Dean Harry
Wellington's extraordinary contributions to both legal scholarship and
to the well-being of two major law schools. My topic isn't directly re-
lated to the substantive fields that have benefited from Harry Welling-
ton's contributions, but it is related to his formative influence on me,
when he was my first-term, small group professor at Yale for constitu-
tional law. As I recall it, Dean Wellington decided to teach Constitu-
tional Law because he started thinking about what eventually became
his book on interpreting the Constitution. What was particularly strik-
ing and memorable about that class for me was his willingness to invite
us into his classroom as his partners-admittedly very green ones. It
was a model that I tried to follow while I was General Counsel for the
Department of Defense, as we encountered one impossible issue after
another, often arising in contexts where there were no authoritative
sources to consider or much less be bound by. We may not have lived
up entirely to Dean Wellington's collaborative, but rigorously honest
and probing approach-but we tried.
One of the issues* we struggled with was the use of force by the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), first in Bosnia, and then
in Kosovo. It is quite possible that the actions taken by the NATO alli-
ance there signaled a fundamental change in both the post World War
II (WWH) international security paradigm and in the use of force in
our post-cold war environment. In order to address the legal signifi-
cance of these events, I would like to set the stage for our discussion.
Since the end of WWII, the legal justification for the use of force
to ensure international peace and security has typically started with the
United Nations Charter. Under that Charter, member nations have
committed to refrain in their international relations from the threat or
use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence
of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of
* I would like particularly to acknowledge CAPT Harvey Dalton, USN (Ret.),
Associate Counsel, Office of the Department of Defense General Counsel, for all of his
assistance and advice on these issues.

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