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7 J. Common Mkt. Stud. 1 (1968)

handle is hein.journals/jcmks7 and id is 1 raw text is: 


                       By  PiERRE HASSNER

 EVERY period is by definition a time of transition. Some, however, tend
 to give an illusion of permanence; others an expectation of utopia or of
 doom. The  remarkable feature of the present time is that it is almost
 impossible not to share the feeling that we are entering into a new
 period of international and European affairs-and almost as difficult to
 agree on where we go from here. Our feeling of change is based on our
 witnessing the decay of the old, rather than on fearing or hoping for
 the emergence of the new.
   Somehow  our belief in change is belied by a deeper feeling of security.
Although  the resources, the beliefs and the institutions on which the
present European stability is based appear in danger of drying up, we
somehow   feel that the same stability will continue without a real
upheaval, either by rejuvenating or somewhat refreshing the solutions
of today, or by reaching back to those of yesterday and the day before
yesterday. The only brave new world we can imagine after the end of
NATO or of   the cold war bears the hardly very youthful face of the
disengagement  and denuclearization plans of the fifties, of the pro-
jected peace treaties of the forties, of the collective security agreements
of the twenties, or of the balance of power or the European concert of
the nineteenth century. To look beyond the cold war means to look
beyond  the confrontation of the two  alliances and this in turn is
increasingly taken to mean a return to the task which was interrupted
by the cold war or prevented by NATO-namely, a   European  settle-
ment  involving the signing of a German Peace Treaty, the 'acceptance
of the results of World War   II', and the organizing of collective
security. An alternative to NATO and the Warsaw  Pact would then
mean  a return either (i) to the situation immediately following the war
(the two great powers stay on, but instead of facing each other they face
Germany  as occupying or supervising powers) or (2) to the situation
preceding it (the two universal powers return to their domestic or
extra-European concerns and play only a marginal role in a renewed
European  balance of power). To those who like their power-politics
with  collective security or international organization dressing, the
formalized (and, thereby, hopefully, stabilized) equivalents of those
patterns are (3) a mixture of Potsdam and San Francisco-with the

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