9 Global Governance 233 (2003)
On Democratization and Peacebuilding

handle is hein.journals/glogo9 and id is 243 raw text is: Global Governance 9 (2003), 233-246

On Democratization
and Peacebuilding
Charles T Call & Susan E. Cook
he two subfields addressed in this article did not exist twenty years
ago. Scholars had only begun to analyze the beginnings of the
third wave of democratization in the early 1980s, and the term
peacebuilding only gained currency in the 1990s. By the early twenty-first
century, the study of democracy and democratization had firmly become a
subfield of political and sociological inquiry, as evidenced by the
emergence of research centers and journals on the subject. Peacebuilding
enjoyed a rapid rise, especially in policy circles, without the same degree
of institutionalization. Nevertheless, it is surprising that international
relations specialists only recently began to pay more rigorous attention to
the relationship between peacebuilding and political governance and, more
specifically, the extensive research on democratization.
In this article, we analyze the relationship between these two grow-
ing subfields.1 We highlight a central dilemma facing actors seeking to
establish or improve postconflict governance. On the one hand, both the
concepts and policies associated with international postwar political
reconstruction have become broader, more sweeping, and more intru-
sive in recent years. The concept of peacebuilding now means not only
keeping former enemies from going back to war, but also addressing the
root causes of conflict and even fostering development in non-postwar
societies. In practice, the international community is more bound and
determined to create democratic political regimes in postwar settings,
recreating the core institutions of state and society largely along West-
ern lines of thought. The largest donors and international organizations
have coalesced around a standard postwar political package that Marina
Ottaway calls the democratic reconstruction model, involving consti-
tution making, elections within two years of the end of hostilities, fund-
ing for civil society, and extensive state institution building.2 The post-
conflict political agenda has very positive elements, especially as it
signifies a departure from the great powers' persistent tendency to
embrace dictators for strategic reasons.
On the other hand, implementation of the prevailing democratic
reconstruction model has proven problematic. Of the eighteen single

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