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97 Foreign Aff. 2 (2018)
America's Original Sin: Slavery and the Legacy of White Supremacy

handle is hein.journals/fora97 and id is 12 raw text is: 




America's

Original Sin

Slavery and the Legacy of
White Supremacy

Annette Gordon-Reed


T he documents most closely
        associated with the creation of the
        United States-the Declaration
of Independence and the Constitution-
present a problem with which Americans
have been contending from the country's
beginning: how to reconcile the values
espoused in those texts with the United
States' original sin of slavery, the flaw
that marred the country's creation,
warped its prospects, and eventually
plunged it into civil war. The Declara-
tion of Independence had a specific
purpose: to cut the ties between the
American colonies and Great Britain
and establish a new country that would
take its place among the nations of
the world. But thanks to the vaulting
language of its famous preamble, the
document instantly came to mean more
than that. Its confident statement that
all men are created equal, with unalien-
able Rights to Life, Liberty, and the
pursuit of Happiness, put notions of
freedom and equality at the heart of
the American experiment. Yet it was
written by a slave owner, Thomas
Jefferson, and released into 13 colonies

ANNETTE GORDON-REED is Charles Warren
Professor of American Legal History at Harvard
Law School and Professor of History at Harvard
University.


that all, to one degree or another,
allowed slavery.
   The Constitution, which united
the colonies turned states, was no less
tainted. It came into existence only after
a heated argument over-and fateful
compromise on-the institution of
slavery. Members of the revolutionary
generation often cast that institution as
a necessary evil that would eventually
die of its own accord, and they made
their peace with it to hold together the
new nation. The document they fought
over and signed in 1787, revered almost
as a sacred text by many Americans,
directly protected slavery. It gave slave
owners the right to capture fugitive
slaves who crossed state lines, counted
each enslaved person as three-fifths of a
free person for the purpose of apportion-
ing members of the House of Repre-
sentatives, and prohibited the abolition
of the slave trade before 1808.
   As citizens of a young country, Ameri-
cans have a close enough connection to
the founding generation that they look to
the founders as objects of praise. There
might well have been no United States
without George Washington, behind
whom 13 fractious colonies united.
Jefferson's language in the Declaration of
Independence has been taken up by every
marginalized group seeking an equal
place in American society. It has influ-
enced people searching for freedom in
other parts of the world, as well.
   Yet the founders are increasingly
objects of condemnation, too. Both
Washington and Jefferson owned slaves.
They, along with James Madison, James
Monroe, and Andrew Jackson, the other
three slave-owning presidents of the early
republic, shaped the first decades of the
United States. Any desire to celebrate the


2     FOREIGN AFFAIRS

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