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2 Eyes on the ICC 65 (2005)
The ICC and the US Global Military Command Structure: Is Cooperation Possible

handle is hein.journals/eyesicc2 and id is 67 raw text is: 1HE ICC AND THE US GLOBAL MILITARY
COMMAND STRUCTURE:
IS COOPERATION POSSIBLE?
Gregory P. Granger*
I. INTRODUCTION
Nearly two decades into the post-Cold War era the international system con-
tinues to exhibit a resistance to political order, with revolutionary non-state actors
defining great power agendas and long-established international institutions uncer-
tain of their roles.' The United States embodies a paradox on the world stage,
wielding global influence and unparalleled capabilities to maintain it, and yet vul-
nerable to myriad asymmetric threats and facing an uncertain future strategic envi-
ronment vis-a-vis rising powers such as China.2 To overcome these challenges and
vulnerabilities, American national security policy aims to shape international condi-
tions in a manner favorable to maintaining American military and economic he-
gemony and amenable to free market and democratic values.' Since coming into
office, the Bush administration, driven by a sense of national exceptionalism on the
order of the Roosevelts and Reagan, has demonstrated the will to shape and define
the post-Cold War international system in a unilateral manner-though engaging
bilaterally and in ad hoc multilateralism when interests are served-that preserves
American dominance on a global scale.4
The most visible indicator of this approach is the set of policies and operations
designed to counter global terrorist threats to American interests and to establish a
global zero-tolerance regime against terrorism over the long-term future. Related
goals include a firm stance against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruc-
tion, especially to terrorist organizations and state sponsors of terrorism. For the
immediate future the United States will remain embroiled in military, humanitar-
ian and political missions in Afghanistan and Iraq, the latter constituting, accord-
ing to President Bush, the central front in the war on terror.' Over the longer
* The author is Acting Director of the School of Social Sciences and Associate Professor of Po-
litical Science, Northwestern State University of Louisiana. A previous version of this paper was pre-
sented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Portland, OR, 1 March 2003.
1 For discussion of these phenomena, see: Richard Falk, World Prisms: The Future of Sover-
eign States and International Order, HarvardInternational Review 21 (3) (Summer 1999) under The
Eclipse of the UN, http://hir.harvard.edu/articles/index.htnl?id=749; also, Robert G. Kaiser, No
Room on This Road for a Fragmented Opposition, Washington Post, 16 Feb. 2003, p. BOl.
2 For a recent analysis of asymmetric threats to the United States, see: Roger W. Barnett. Asym-
metrical U/aifire: Todays Challenge to US Militar~y Power (Washington, DC: Brassey's 2003).
' For elaboration on this point, see: Colin L. Powell, A Strategy of Partnerships, Foreign AJ-
fairs (January/February 2004): 22-34.
' There has been a plethora of books published recently on the theme of American power, domi-
nance and (alleged) imperialism. For two well-regarded examples, see: AndrewJ. Bacevich, American
Empire: The Realities and Conseqylences of US Diplomacy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002);
Niall Ferguson, Colossus: The Price of American Empire (Penguin Books, 2004); on the concept of
American exceptionalism, see Harold Hongju Koh, On American Exceptionalism, STAN L REv. 55
(5) (May2003): 1479-1529.
5 President Outlines Steps to Help Iraq Achieve Democracy and Freedom, Remarks by the
President on Iraq and the War on Terror, United States Army War College, Carlisle, PA (May 24,
2004) www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2 004/05/20040524-1 0.html.

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