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1 Eur. J. Criminology 5 (2004)

handle is hein.journals/eujcrim1 and id is 1 raw text is: 



                                         Volume 1 (1): 5-15: 1477-3708 E
                                       DOI: 10.1177/1477370804038705 urOpean
                                       Copyright Q 2004 SAGE Publications
                                London, Thousand Oaks CA, and New Delhi  ii
                                            www.sagepublications.com





Editorial

Criminology and the Wider Europe

David J. Smith
Centre for Law  and Society, University of Edinburgb, UK


Why   launch  a new  criminology  journal in January  2004?  From   the
intensity of discussion at the first two annual conferences of the European
Society of Criminology in Lausanne and  then Toledo there is a sense that
criminology in Europe is reaching a tipping point, and that once this point
is reached there will be rapid growth. The purpose of this journal is to
support and stimulate that growth by providing a forum for research and
scholarship on crime and criminal justice institutions.
     A  number  of forces are driving the development of criminology in
Europe.  The  most  obvious one  is the rising profile of crime control,
criminal justice and security in European  politics. In many  European
countries, the politics surrounding crime control and criminal justice were
largely consensual for much of the period since the Second World War, but
this is changing. The politicization of crime and punishment combines with
a successful effort by far right parties to define migration and asylum
seekers as a focal political issue. The link between crime and immigration
in European  politics is that some migrant groups, such as Albanians in
Greece, tend to be criminalized. Moreover, the same police are responsible
for controlling both crime and illegal immigration, so that checks on the
status of migrants can also be used  to target potential criminals. At a
deeper  level, of course, migrants represent the 'other' against which
longstanding respectable citizens define themselves, and tend to merge in
the collective consciousness with the criminal 'other'.
     In this respect, Britain is the paradigmatic case. In the Britain of the
1950s, 1960s  and 1970s, both  crime and immigration  (always bracketed
with 'race relations') stood largely outside the competition between polit-
ical parties, which tended to avoid bidding up  the punitiveness of the
criminal justice system. At the same time, the parties cooperated with each
other to introduce more and more  stringent controls against immigration

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