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9 E. Eur. Const. Rev. 48 (2000)
On Post-Fascism

handle is hein.journals/eeurcr9 and id is 168 raw text is: Special Reports

Political exclusion in an age of globalization

On Post-Fascism
G. M. Tama's

I have an interest to declare. The government of
my country, Hungary, is the strongest foreign
supporter ofJ6rg Haider's Austria, along with the
Bavarian provincial government (provincial in more
senses than one). The right-wing cabinet, aside
from other misdeeds, is attempting to suppress parlia-
mentary governance, is penalizing local authorities of
a different political hue from itself, and is busy creating
and imposing a novel state ideology, engaging the
services of a number of lumpen intellectuals of the
extreme right, including some overt neo-Nazis. It is in
cahoots with a fascistic party, alas, represented in
parliament, which is openly and viciously anti-
Semitic. People working for the prime minister's office
are engaging in more or less cautious Holocaust revi-
sionism. The government-controlled state television
gives vent to raw anti-Gypsy racism. The fans of the
most popular soccer club in the country, whose
chairman is a cabinet minister and a party leader, are
chanting verses in unison about the train that is bound
to leave any moment for Auschwitz.
On the ground floor of the Central European
University in Budapest you can visit an exhibition
concerning the years of turmoil a decade or so ago.
There you can watch a video, recorded illegally in
1988, and you can see the person who is the current
Hungarian prime minister, defending and protecting
me with his own body from the truncheons of
communist riot police. This same person appointed,
ten years later, a communist police general as his home
secretary, the number two or number three in his
cabinet. Political conflicts between former friends and
allies are usually acrimonious. This is no exception. I
am active in an incipient anti-fascist movement in

Hungary, speaking at rallies and demonstrations.
Our opponents-in personal terms-are too close
for comfort. Thus, I cannot consider myself a
neutral observer.
I do not consider the phenomenon I shall call
post-fascism to be unique to Central Europe. Far from
it. Germany, Austria, and Hungary are important,
though, for historical reasons obvious to all; familiar
phrases repeated here have different echoes. I saw, the
other day, that the old brick factory in Budapest's third
district is being demolished; I am told that they will
build a gated community of suburban villas in its place.
It was there that the Budapest Jews awaited their turn
to be transported to the concentration camps. You
could as well build holiday cottages in Treblinka. Our
vigilance is perhaps more needful in this part of
the world than anywhere else, since innocence, in
historical terms, cannot be presumed.
Post-fascism, then, is a cluster of policies,
practices, routines, and ideologies that can be
observed everywhere in the contemporary world;
that have little or nothing to do, except in Central
Europe, with the legacy of Nazism; that are not
totalitarian; that are not at all revolutionary; and that
are not based on violent mass movements and
irrationalist, voluntaristic philosophies; nor are they
toying, even in jest, with anticapitalism.
Why call this cluster of phenomena fascism,
however post-?
Post-fascism finds its niche easily in the new
world of global capitalism, and does so without
affecting or upsetting the dominant political forms of
electoral democracy and representative government.
What it does affect, on the other hand, is what I

EAST EUROPEAN CONSTITUTIONAL REVIEW

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