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57 Brit. J. Criminology 194 (2017)
Criminalizing the Payment for Sex in Northern Ireland: Sketching the Contours of a Moral Panic

handle is hein.journals/bjcrim57 and id is 197 raw text is: 



doi:10.1093/bjc/azv107    BRIT.]. CRIMINOL.  (2017) 57, 194-214
                       Advance Access publication 28 September 2015


     CRIMINALIZING THE PAYMENT FOR SEX IN NORTHERN
  IRELAND: SKETCHING THE CONTOURS OF A MORAL PANIC

                                 GRAHAM   ELLISON*

This paper examines recent legislative developments in Northern Ireland around Lord Morrow's
Human   Trafficking &  Exploitation (Further Provisions and Support  for Victims) Bill
that was passed unanimously in the Northern Ireland Assembly and which uniquely in the United
Kingdom  now makes it a criminal offence to pay for sexual services. I suggest that issues around
sex trafficking, sexual slavery and prostitution in Northern Ireland bear all the hallmarks of Stan
Cohen's famous articulation of a moral panic (Cohen 1972) but also argue that his original for-
mulation needs to be recast slightly to take account of the horizontal structuring of moral panics in
contemporary society.
Key words: prostitution, sex trafficking, Christian right, feminism, moral panic


                                    Introduction
Sex work  or prostitution-the term varies depending  on one's ideological position on
the nature  of commercial  sex (Weitzer 2011a)-has   once again been  thrust into the
spotlight in Northern Ireland in the aftermath of the Northern Ireland Assembly's deci-
sion to legislate for Lord Morrow's Human  Trafficking & Exploitation (Further Provisions
and Support for Victims) Bill that includes a number of provisions to provide support to
victims of human  trafficking but controversially includes specific provisions to make it
a criminal offence to pay for sexual services. This particular clause is modelled on the
so-called 'Nordic Model' of criminalization of demand  that it is argued will reduce the
opportunities for commercial  sex and  by extension the potential for human  traffick-
ing for sexual exploitation (see Ekberg 2004). In many respects, this Bill is a symptom
of more  general anxieties around  'trafficking' that have been developing across the
United  Kingdom   and globally for the past decade and  a half with the phenomenon
described as the 'modern  day slave trade' (Bales 1999).
  The  discussion that follows has two aims. First, I analyse the contours of the traffick-
ing debate in Northern Ireland and note how  this has been refracted almost exclusively
through  the lens of sexual exploitation. I argue that this debate bears all the hallmarks
of Stan Cohen's famous  articulation of a moral panic (Cohen 1972), insofar as official
pronouncements,   media  reports and the claims of advocacy groups all amplify the size
of the problem  that bears little relationship to its actual occurrence. Further, since
as David Garland  argues  we need  to examine  the symptomatic nature of such panics
(Garland  2008: 11), I suggest that debates around sex trafficking and prostitution point
to a host of other issues around the nature of female sexuality and subjectivity in what

*Graham Ellison, Institute of Criminology and CriminalJustice, School of Law, Queen's University, Belfast BT7 iNN, Northern
Ireland; g.ellisonCqub.ac.uk.
  ' The 'Nordic model' is a policy framework, associated primarily with Scandinavianjurisdictions. It criminalizes the buyer of
sex, not the seller. In practice, there is significant disagreement about the effectiveness of the model (see Levy 2014).
                                         194
   C The Author 2015. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Centre for Crime andJustice Studies
          (ISTD). All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com

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