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47 N.H. B.J. 52 (2006-2007)
Judicial Review and Its Limits - Part I (Legitimacy)

handle is hein.barjournals/newhbj0047 and id is 170 raw text is: U
New
Hampshire
Bar
Journal
U
Autumn
2006

By Attorney Eugene M. Van Loan III

Merrill v. Sherburne' has long been celebrated as New
Hampshire's version of Marbury v. Madison,2 i.e., the first
instance of a court in New Hampshire to exercise the power
of judicial review. Only recently, many of us have learned
from several articles published in the New Hampshire Bar
Journal that judicial reviewwas far from a novel proposition
by the time that Merrill v. Sherburne was decided.' For ex-
ample, as was pointed out in the BarJournal's 2002 publica-
tion of the UNH masters' thesis of Richard M. Lambert, sev-
eral of our Superior Courts had exercised the power more
than three decades previously' Similarly, earlier this year,
the Joumal reprinted a 1995 article by Timothy Lawrie which
had originally appeared in the American Journal of Legal
History.5 In his article, Interpretation andAuthority: Sepa-
ration of Powers and the Judiciary's Battle for Indepen-
dence in New Hampshire, Mr. Lawrie recounts the details of
several previously unpublished New Hampshire Supreme
Court cases - all predating Merrill - wherein the Supreme
Court exercised the power of judicial review.6
Both Mr. Lambert's thesis and Mr. Lawrie's article de-
served publication in New Hampshire simply on account of
their scholarly contributions to our historical understanding
of the constitution under which we live. However, as I noted
in my introduction to the reprint of Mr. Lawrie's article, when
it comes to judicial review, the lessons of history raise some
interesting challenges to the conventional wisdom about its
proper role in our modem political system.7
Suffice it to say that what I call in this paper horizontal
judicial review- the power of the judiciary to review the acts
of its co-equal branches of government for consistency with
the Constitution - has become much more of a force in our
modem political system than it ever was in the era of the
Founders. Whereas the judiciary initially invoked its author-
ity quite sparingly, the phenomenon of some court striking
down a statute or declaring the action of an executive official
unconstitutional is today almost a matter of routine.
But it is not just the quantity of judicial review which

has changed; its quality has also changed. For example, in
the early years of the Republic, it was conventional wisdom
that the power- and the responsibility- to make judgments
about constitutionality rested with all departments of gov-
ernment. Accordingly, it was far from accepted that judicial
determinations of constitutionality were binding upon the
other branches. By way of contrast, the judicial review of
today not only asserts that constitutional decisions by courts
are final in that they are conclusive as to the parties to
the case at hand, but it also claims that these decisions are
supreme in the sense of being binding upon everyone else.
Indeed, some judges and academics have even gone so far as
to claim that judicial review is exclusive, i.e., that the only
branch of government which has the authority to make de-
terminations of constitutionality is the judicial branch. Simi-
larly, whereas certain subjects (so-called political questions)
were originally thought to be exempt from judicial review,
modem judicial review aspires to be universal in that it
recognizes virtually no limits. And, finally, whereas early
American political theory postulated that the judicial branch
ultimately depended upon the cooperation of the other two
branches for the enforcement of its orders in constitutional
cases, some modem judges have even claimed to be able to
wield the power of the purse and the power of the sword to
enforce their orders.
If judicial review is really final, supreme, exclusive, uni-
versal and self-executing, it is no longer merely judicial re-
view. It is something much more muscular. Indeed, some
critics have dubbed it judicial sovereignty.
In any case, whatever it is called, the modem brand of
judicial review is exemplified by the self-assertive decisions
increasingly being issued by state supreme courts in cases
involving the funding of public education. Two of the most
egregious examples are the 2003 decision of the Nevada Su-
preme Court in the case of Guinn v. The Legislature of the
State of Nevada' and the decision last year by the Kansas
Supreme Court inMontoy v. State ofKansas.9 In the former,
the court held that a provision of the Nevada Constitution
requiring the legislature to provide for a uniform system of
common schools negated another provision in the same

Judicial Review and Its Limits
Part I (Legitimacy)

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