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98 Foreign Aff. 44 (2019)
The Transformer: Orban's Evolution and Hungary's Demise

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The Transformer

Orban's Evolution and
Hungary's Demise

Paul   Lendvai


     n the summer 1989, the Soviet
 I  Union  was beginning to falter, and
     its grasp on Eastern Europe was
 slipping. But in Hungary, the Soviets
 were hardly gone yet: Moscow still
 maintained around 70,000 soldiers, 1,000
 tanks, and 1,500 armored vehicles there.
 Janos Kadar, who had built and led the
 repressive, Soviet-aligned regime that
 had run the country for the past three
 decades, had resigned the previous year,
 as the economy sputtered and Kadar
 himself struggled with cancer. But the
 regime centered on Kadar's Hungarian
 Socialist Workers' Party remained intact
 and still presided over an immense
 security apparatus and a network of
 armed militias.
   The  momentum,  however, was with
the opposition groups that sought to
take advantage of the Soviet decline.
On  June 16, they organized a massive
demonstration in Heroes' Square, which
includes a monument  to the founders
of the Hungarian state, in central
Budapest. Part memorial service and
part protest, the gathering was attended
by some 250,000 people. On the steps of
the monument  lay six coffins. Five
contained the unearthed remains of men
who  had been key leaders of Hungary's
PAUL LENDVAI  is the author of Orban:
Hungary's New Strongman (Oxford University
Press, 2018), from which this essay is adapted.


1956 anti-Soviet uprising and who had
been sentenced to death in a secret trial
and buried in an unmarked grave. The
sixth coffin was empty and symbolized
the 300 other people who had been
executed for their roles in the uprising.
The  demonstration was followed by the
burial of the coffins, giving the remains
the dignified resting place the Soviets
had denied them.
   The  demonstration, broadcast live on
 Hungarian television, finished with six
 speeches. The final one was delivered by
 Viktor Orban, a little-known, 26-year-
 old activist with a scruffy beard. It was
 just seven minutes long, but it electrified
 the crowd and the people watching at
 home. If we trust our own strength, then
 we will be able to put an end to the
 communist dictatorship, declared Orban,
 who the previous year had helped
 found the Alliance of Young Democrats,
 or Fidesz, a liberal youth movement.
   If we are determined enough, then we
   can compel the ruling party to face
   free elections. If we have not lost sight
   of the ideas of 1956, we will vote for a
   government that will at once enter
   into negotiations on the immediate
   beginning of the withdrawal of
   Russian troops. If we are courageous
   enough, then, but only then, we can
   fulfill the will of our revolution.

   In Hungary at the time, it was still
unusual for anyone to publicly issue such
a blunt rebuke of the Soviets. The
speech instantly propelled Orban to fame
in his country, and was noticed abroad,
as well. Here, it seemed, was a herald of
Hungary's bright, democratic future.
   But in the 30 years that have passed
since that day, a staggering reversal has
taken place, as Orban has transformed


44    FOREIGN AFFAIRS

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