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10 E. Eur. Const. Rev. 62 (2001)
The Bulgarian Ethnic Model

handle is hein.journals/eeurcr10 and id is 302 raw text is: The Bulgarian Ethnic Model
Antonina Zhelyazkova
ulgaria lies at a crossroad of peoples and civi-
lizations, where different customs, religious
beliefs, political systems, and cultural stereo-
types coexist in a turbulent mixture. In that sense, it is
no different from the neighboring Balkan states. On
the other hand, there is something unusual or special
about the modes of ethnic cohabitation that have
traditionally dominated Bulgarian political life. In their
everyday interactions, the major ethnic and religious
groups (Christians, Muslims, and Jews) were able to
establish and preserve relations marked by open-mind-
edness and mutual respect. At a constitutional level,
ethnic and religious diversity has been recognized,
although actual political practices at times have
resulted in the violation of the rights of minorities.
And while Bulgaria's postwar history was punctuated
by occasional outbursts of assimilationist sentiment, it
would be fair to say that the historically developed
modes of acceptance and appreciation of the others, as
other, remain embedded in the social fabric and
constitute an organic part of the culture of toleration
that has evolved in the ethnically mixed regions.
Minorities under communist rule
Like the rest of Eastern Europe, after the end of the
Second World War, Bulgaria found itself in the iron
grip of a communist dictatorship. Inevitably, the poli-
cies launched during that period had a momentous
impact on ethnic relations. In accordance with
orthodox Marxism, religion was denounced and reli-
gious practices banned. All religious communities
were exposed to relentless atheistic propaganda, and
the leading members of their churches were harassed
and imprisoned. Simultaneously, the ruling party was
striving to spread the spirit of communism among
ethnic minorities. Children of non-Bulgarian back-
ground were subject to communist indoctrination in
their parochial schools, and minority-language news-

papers were used as venues for disseminating commu-
nist ideology. Ethnic Turks, Pomaks (ethnic Bulgarians
who had adopted Islam at various times in the past),
Roma, Jews, and Armenians were actively recruited
into the party nomenklatura; in return, these cadres
carried out the policy of the Bulgarian Communist
Party directed toward their compatriots.
At the beginning of the '50s, the policy of the
Communist Party took a dramatic turn toward greater
repression and restriction of minority rights. The
struggle against expressions of nationalism and reli-
gious fanaticism  among the local Turks was
proclaimed one of the party's top priorities. In addi-
tion, in the course of the violent drive toward
collectivization of agriculture, many Turks and
Pomaks were deprived of their land. As a result, more
than 150,000 Muslims emigrated to Turkey in
1950-51. This campaign culminated in the forceful
renaming of the Pomaks (in 1972-74) and of ethnic
Turks (the winter of 1984-85). The professed goal of
communist authorities was to obliterate the cultural-
religious specificity of these minorities and erase their
ethnic identity. In the pursuit of this goal, a variety of
inducements were used, from administrative punish-
ments to economic blackmail to sheer violence. In
some of the villages and small provincial towns, ethnic
Turks responded with organized peaceful resistance.
These regions were sealed off by army and police
detachments, and the blockade continued until the last
villager was assigned   a new   Bulgarian   name.
Thousands of Bulgarian Turks were detained and
subsequently sent to prisons or camps, often without
any charge or after a quick legal procedure held in
camera. It should be pointed out that, within the
context of the Muslim religion, renaming is a dramatic
act of sacrilege because, according to Islam, a person's
name is a vital attribute of personhood. Without his
proper name, the Muslim cannot introduce himself to

EAST EUROPEAN CONSTITUTIONAL REVIEW

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