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39 Conn. L. Rev. 1051 (2006-2007)
The Solution to the Real Blackmail Paradox: The Common Link between Blackmail and Other Criminal Threats

handle is hein.journals/conlr39 and id is 1061 raw text is: CONNECTICUT LAW REVIEW VOLUME 39 FEBRUARY 2007 NUMBER 3 Article The Solution to the Real Blackmail Paradox: The Common Link Between Blackmail and Other Criminal Threats KEN LEVY Disclosure of true but reputation-damaging information is generally legal. But threats to disclose true but reputation-damaging information unless payment is made are generally criminal. Most scholars think that this situation is paradoxical because it seems to involve illegality mysteriously arising out of legality, a criminal act mysteriously arising out of an independently legal threat to disclose conjoined with an independently legal demand for money. But this is not quite right. The real paradox raised by the different legal statuses of blackmail threats to disclose and disclosure itself involves a contradiction between our strong intuition that blackmail threats should be criminal and some equally strong arguments, all of which depend on the fact that disclosure is legal, that blackmail threats should be legal. So an adequate solution to the real Blackmail Paradox requires us either to drop the intuition or to refute the pro-legalization arguments. This Article will adopt the latter approach. It will explain why the six main arguments for legalizing blackmail threats allfail. In the course of refuting one of these arguments, it will also offer a novel positive justification for criminalizing blackmail threats. It will argue that they should be criminal for the same reason that menacing, harassment, and stalking are criminal-namely, because they involve the reasonable likelihood, and usually the intent, of putting the victim into a state of especially great fear and anxiety. Of course, one might object that disclosure itself is likely to have the same effect, if not malicious purpose. Yet, again, it is still legal. But this point shows only that we as a society value freedom of speech more than we value freedom from infliction of emotional injury. It does not show that we do not value freedom from infliction of emotional injury sufficiently to protect it when competing moral or institutional interests such as freedom of speech are not at stake.

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