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68 Fed. Probation 14 (2004)
A Civic Engagement Model of Reentry: Involving Community through Service and Restorative Justice

handle is hein.journals/fedpro68 and id is 90 raw text is: A Civic Engaement M odel o
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Gordon Bazemore, Ph.D.
Jeanne Stinchcomb, Ph.D.
Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice
Florida Atlantic University

IN THE REENTRY process, the community
is, at the same time, both a major stumbling
block and a major resource. On the one hand,
overall decline in community involvement
and civic commitment has been identified as
a general problem facing democratic societies
(Putnam, 2000; Barber, 1992). In that regard,
prospects for sustaining safe, productive and
economically-viable civic life in communi-
ties confronted with thousands of persons
returning from prison appear to be even
more greatly diminished (Rose and Clear,
1998). One primary reason for this is the
structural obstacles to productive citizenship
faced by persons currently or formerly under
correctional supervision.
Although widespread restriction of vot-
ing rights (Uggen and Manza, 2003) has
recently captured public attention, this bar-
rier is but one component of a broader array
of institutional roadblocks facing persons
convicted of felony offenses in the communi-
ties to which they will return. As Uggen et
al. (2002) point out, both inmates and those
under community supervision are denied or
inhibited access to a variety of roles that bind
most citizens to conventional society. Specifi-
cally, post-release adjustment is inhibited by
restrictions on occupational licensing and
employment opportunities, loss of parental
rights, and prohibition from holding elec-
tive office or serving on juries-as well as
other forms of formal and informal social
stigma. Because personal and civic identity
is largely determined by the relative strength
of our ties to various social institutions, such
restrictions greatly diminish the reintegrative
capacity of persons formerly under correc-

tional supervision. In turn, having substantial
proportions of such disconnected individuals
concentrated in certain areas greatly dimin-
ishes both the human and social capital of
these environments. As the informal network
that sustains a meaningful commitment to
the common good (Bellah et al., 1991; Put-
nam, 2001), the relevance of social capital
for public safety is found in its capacity to
mobilize informal social control (Clear and
Karp, 1999; Bazemore, 2001) and social sup-
port (Cullen, 1994).
Unfortunately, traditional policy and prac-
tice governing parole and other forms of reen-
try have been woefully inadequate in working
to overcome these obstacles. Moreover, reentry
protocols have been characterized by a dis-
connect between research/theory and com-
munity-oriented intervention. While theorists
have identified informal control and social
support as naturally occurring phenomena
(e.g., Bursik and Grasmick, 1992; Sampson et
al., 1997), models of how to revitalize, mobi-
lize, or regenerate these critical features of
neighborhood safety are lacking.
The general purpose of this paper is there-
fore to demonstrate the need for a broad-
based theoretical and policy-focused effort
directed toward strengthening the role of civic
and community commitments in the reentry
process. Drawing on civic reintegration lit-
erature, we propose a civic engagement inter-
vention model that can be used to develop
and test the impact of strategies that seek
to strengthen commitments in a variety of
citizenship domains associated with effective
reentry. Civic engagement practice and policy
based on such a model would be expected to:

  Weaken barriers to the development of
prosocial identities for persons who have
been under correctional supervision;
 Alter the community's image of such
persons; and
  Mobilize community capacity to pro-
vide informal support and assistance.
Such practices should thereby promote
desistance and successful reentry, as well as
enhance the democratic qualities, social jus-
tice, and safety of communities.
Policy based on civic engagement theory
features three primary practice dimensions:
1) decisionmaking based on restorative jus-
tice principles, 2) civic community service,
and 3) voting enfranchisement and demo-
cratic participation. Elsewhere, we describe
how voting and democratic participation
might increase the likelihood of offender
desistance and reintegration (Bazemore and
Stinchcomb, 2003; see also Uggen et al.,
2002; Uggen, 2003; Flanagan and Faison,
2001). In this article, we focus on the first
two dimensions, restorative justice decision-
making and civic community service. Three
general bodies of literature that we draw
upon for theretical and empirical grounding
are: interactionist/social psychological theo-
ries of identity transformation, life course
research, and social disorganization/social
capital perspectives on informal social con-
trol. These perspectives offer a logical basis
for linking variables associated with each of
the three practice dimensions to successful
reentry, and suggest testable propositions
focused on micro, middle-range, and com-
munity levels of analysis.

14 FEDERAL PROBATION

Volume 68 Number 2

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