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23 Soc. & Legal Stud. 278 (2014)
Jonathan Herring, Caring and the Law

handle is hein.journals/solestu23 and id is 276 raw text is: 

Social & Legal Studies 23(2)


JONATHAN HERRING, Caring and the Law. Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2013, pp. 352, ISBN
9781849461061, £30.00 (pbk).

It has become a standingjoke between Jonathan Herring and me that we never agree on any-
thing. So it came as no surprise to me, and will come as no surprise to him, that I entirely
disagree with the fundamental point ofhis book Caring and the Law, namely that law should
be centrally concerned with caring. From the safe premise that caring is crucial, Herring
derives the shocking conclusion that caring should be the central principle ofthe law (p. 10).
   His theme is that to date law has been overly concerned with individual rights and
interests - protecting the autonomy and independence of the ruggedly isolated abstract
individual, and insufficiently concerned with recognising the importance of caring - pro-
tecting the vulnerability and dependence of the connected relational subject. The law is
preoccupied with business and money, he writes, and pays inadequate attention to the
,exhausted mother of the disabled child' (p. 1). At his most eloquent, Herring claims,
'Money and individual rights, while important, are a sandy foundation, but caring is the
rock on which society stands' (p. 10).
   But granted that caring is of central importance, it does not follow that caring should
be of central importance to the law. Such an approach makes sense only on one of two
assumptions. The first is that we see law as an unalloyed good, to be ushered into every
aspect and arena of social life. But the costs of extending law are legion: law may fuel
conflict, weaken spontaneous bonds and limit freedom, to mention a few. And of course,
as a first-rate scholar, Herring raises and rejects these objections. Herring laments that
study of the nappy changing table does not figure in most law degrees (p. 1), to which
I would add thank goodness. I wondered at times whether Herring was confusing the law
with a knight in shining armour.
   The second assumption is that we define law so broadly that it is synonymous with
society. The blurb on the back tells us, 'At the heart of the book is the claim that the law
has failed to recognise the importance of caring in many areas and in doing so has led to
the costs and burdens of care falling on those who provide it, primarily women'. I would
entirely agree, if we substitute the word 'society' for 'law'. This comes across particu-
larly clearly in Chapter 4 on State Support of Care, in which much of what Herring calls
for is more money and assistance for carers. By conflating law with regulation, the state
and even society, Herring risks losing the distinctiveness and specificity of the legal
form, namely its foundation on conflicts of interests. Complaining that law is overly con-
cerned with an 'individualised conception of rights and interests' (preface) is like
lamenting that mathematics is overly preoccupied with numbers.
   Again of course Herring recognises this objection, regarding it as too narrow a con-
ceptualisation of law (p. 2). It is trite that law can and does change its form. Indeed, this
changing legal form has been a preoccupation in much of my own writing, principally in
Divorcing Responsibly (Reece, 2003). But the point that I make there and elsewhere (e.g.
Reece, 2009a) is the high price that is paid for changing the legal form. I argue, and
show, that when law moves away from the construction of the autonomous rights bearer,
law becomes more insidious and intrusive. This has been a theme in other recent scholar-
ship, notably Ramsay (2012).

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