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12 E. Eur. Const. Rev. 78 (2003)
The Self-Protecting Constitutional State

handle is hein.journals/eeurcr12 and id is 206 raw text is: The Self-Protecting Constitutional State

Andra's Saj6

The state's most natural characteristic is self-
defense.  Self-defense   incorporates  the
maintenance of public order and, using this as
a pretext, the preservation of the rule of those in
power. A constitutional state's self-defense, however,
raises a peculiar problem. In such a state, the political
regime's democratic nature-majority rule-permits
the deformation of democracy and the establishment,
within the framework of the democratic process, of a
regime that dissolves democracy. It will always remain
one of the best jokes of democracy that it provides its
own deadly enemies with the means with which it can
be destroyed.: This problem may also be related to the
self-defensive restrictions of rights undertaken by some
countries after September 11, although, unlike the
terrorist threat, the destruction of democracy by
democratic means has to do with those who openly
want to use the means of democracy to undermine
democracy.
Several democracies, and particularly the post-
communist constitutional states, are rather defenseless
against emotionally manipulative politics and challenges
that exploit constitutional opportunities. The constitu-
tional foundations of these states are threatened by not
only a politics of emotional radical populism but also
racism and corruption. In what follows, using the
Hungarian example, I will analyze whether there are
legal techniques that may protect the constitutional
state preemptively.
The statutes regulating the fundamental institu-
tions of the Hungarian political system (the rights of
association and assembly) were adopted months before
the constitutional amendments of 1989. In an era when
the neutrality of the authorities could not be trusted,
these technically unsatisfactory laws sought to allow the

authorities the narrowest possible leeway. Were the
constitutional order challenged today, these techniques
could protect it only under the most fortunate of
circumstances. Strengthening the organs of coercion
and facilitating oppression cannot be the answer to such
potential challenge.
Of course, the protection of democracy is a social
and political question. Legal measures are unsuccessful
without governmental policies protecting democracy. It
is well known that lawyers overrate legal measures. In
the absence of a better option, however, even these
limited measures must be put into use to protect
democracy. Law, similar to the law's symbolic message
of authority, is capable of mobilization.
I am well aware that the measures of the constitu-
tional state's preventive self-protection differ from the
solutions that are generally used and accepted in a
constitutional state, and, as such, may be capable of
undermining the constitutional state itself, the very
value to be protected. Moreover, in Hungary during
the past decade, and in other democratic countries
during the past decades, there has been a shift from the
constitutional state in the direction of a police state-
all in the name of effectively protecting order and, more
recently, fighting terrorism. The constitutional state's
erosion is undeniable.
What is militant democracy?
What should we defend the state against?
In the center of this analysis is the arsenal that may be
employed by militant democracy. This expression
appeared in an essay by Karl Loewenstein in 1937, and
the German Basic Law (Constitution) enacted after
World War Two was written in the spirit of militant
democracy.2 Prior to World War Two, a number of

EAST EUROPEAN CONSTITUTIONAL REVIEW

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