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95 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 650 (2020)
Anti-Segregation Policing

handle is hein.journals/nylr95 and id is 650 raw text is: 













                              ARTICLES


           ANTI-SEGREGATION POLICING


                              MONICA C. BELL*


    Conversations about police reform in lawmaking and legal scholarship typically
    take a narrow view of the multiple, complex roles that policing plays in American
    society, focusing primarily on their techniques of crime control. This Article breaks
    from that tendency, engaging police reform from a sociological perspective that
    focuses instead on the noncriminal functions of policing. In particular, it examines
    the role of policing in the daily maintenance of racial residential segregation, one of
    the central strategies of American racial inequality. Unlike previous work that
    touches on these issues, this Article argues that police reformers and police leaders
    should  adopt an  anti-segregation approach to policing. It also offers legal
    frameworks  and policy prescriptions that flow from an anti-segregation ethic in
    police governance.

    This Article begins by setting forth a rich account of residential segregation, clari-
    fying the distinction between easily measurable proxies for segregation and the type
    of segregation with which law and policy should be concerned: the spatial separa-
    tion that confines, subordinates, and dominates. It then identifies and illustrates six
    mechanisms  through which American policing perpetuates residential segregation,
    drawing from  sociological research, including qualitative narratives collected in
    Dallas County, Texas; Cuyahoga County, Ohio; and Baltimore, Maryland. Next,


    * Copyright © 2020 by Monica C. Bell, Associate Professor of Law & Sociology, Yale
Law  School. For extensive feedback on this Article, I thank Muneer Ahmad, Michelle
Wilde Anderson,  Maggie Blackhawk, Jessica Eaglin, Bill Eskridge, Owen Fiss, Richard
Ford, Eisha Jain, Irene Joe, Issa Kohler-Hausmann,  Rahim  Kurwa,  Veronica  Root
Martinez, Tracey Meares, Melissa Murray, Michelle Phelps, Michael Pollack, and Jed
Rubenfeld. For engagement  with these ideas, I thank Bruce Ackerman, Amna  Akbar,
Asad  Asad, Kristen Bell, Rabia Belt, Amy Chua, Erin Collins, Andrew Crespo, Yaseen
Eldik, Emily  Erikson, Thomas  Frampton,  Megan  Ming  Francis, Eve Hanan,  Oona
Hathaway,  Matthew  C. Ingram,  Elizabeth Papp Kamali, Emma   Kaufman,   Marianne
Engelman  Lado, Genevieve  Lakier, Michele Lamont, Benjamin  Levin, Anna Lvovsky,
Samantha Majic, Daniel Markovits, Hope Metcalf, Lisa Miller, Chris Monoc, Katie Monoc,
William Ortman, Shaun Ossei-Owusu, K-Sue Park, Robert Post, David Pozen, Doris Marie
Provine, John Rappaport, Daphna Renan, Rob  Sampson, and John Witt. I am grateful to
have  presented various versions of this work  at Cardozo  Law  School, Columbia
Department  of Sociology, Emory Law  School, Fordham  Law School, the Sociology of
Housing  Conference   at Georgetown   University, Harvard  Law   School, Harvard
Department  of Sociology, the Culp Colloquium at Stanford Law School, University of
Colorado Law  School, University of Maryland Carey School of Law, University of Miami
School of Law, and the University of Queensland T.C. Beirne School of Law. Thanks to
Anna  Funtelar and  Stephanie Garlock for excellent research assistance. I gratefully
acknowledge  Stefanie DeLuca  and Kathryn  Edin, the principal investigators of How
Parents House Kids and fellow principal investigators of Hearing Their Voices, as well as
the Annie E. Casey Foundation and the MacArthur Network for Children and Families for
funding. Thanks most of all to research participants in Baltimore, Cleveland, Dallas, and
beyond who  shared their stories in service of knowledge and justice.

                                       650


Imaged   with Permission  of N.Y.U.  Law  Review

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