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4 pt2 Department of State Dispatch 658 (1993)
From Containment to Enlargement

handle is hein.journals/dsptch9 and id is 238 raw text is: International Engagement From Containment to Enlargement Anthony Lake, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs Address at the School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University, Washington, DC, September 21, 1993 have come to speak with you today because I believe our nation's poli- cies toward the world stand at a historic crossroads. For half a century, America's engagement in the world revolved around containment of a hostile Soviet Union. Our efforts helped block Soviet expansionism, topple communist repression, and secure a great victory for human freedom. Clearly, the Soviet Union's collapse enhances our security. But it also requires us to think anew because the world is new. In particular, with the end of the Cold War, there is no longer a consen- sus among the American people about why, and even whether, our nation should remain actively engaged in the world. Geography and history always have made Americans wary of foreign entanglements. Now, economic anxiety fans that wariness. Calls from the left and right to stay at home rather than engage abroad are reinforced by the rhetoric of Neo-Know-Nothings. Those of us who believe in the imperative of our international engage- ment must push back. For that reason, as President Clinton sought the presidency, he not only pledged a domestic renaissance but also vowed to engage actively in the world in order to increase our prosperity, update our security arrangements, and promote democracy abroad. Pursuing American Interests Abroad In the 8 months since he took office, President Clinton has pursued those goals vigorously. We have completed a sweeping review of our military strategy and forces. We have led a global effort to support the historic reforms in Russia and the other new states. We have helped defend democ- racy in Haiti and Guatemala and secured important side agreements that pave the way for enactment of the North American Free Trade Agree- ment. We have facilitated major advances in the Mideast peace process, working with our Arab partners while strengthening our bonds with Israel. We have pursued steps with our G-7 partners to stimulate world economic growth. We have placed our relations with Japan on a new foundation and set a vision of a New Pacific Community. We are putting in place practical policies to preserve the environment and to limit the spread of weapons of mass destruction. We have proceeded with sweeping reductions in nuclear arms and declared a moratorium on testing as we move toward a compre- hensive test ban. We have struggled with the complex tragedy in Bosnia. And we have worked to complete our mission of ensuring lasting relief from starvation in Somalia. But engagement itself is not enough. We also need to communicate anew why that engagement is essen- tial. If we do not, our government's reactions to foreign events can seem disconnected; individual setbacks may appear to define the whole; public support for our engagement likely would wane; and America could be harmed by a rise in protectionism, unwise cuts to our military force structure or readiness, a loss of the resources necessary for our diplo- macy-and thus the erosion of U.S. influence abroad. Stating our purpose is neither academic nor rhetorical. What we do outside our borders has immediate and lasting consequences for all Americans. As the President often notes, the line between foreign and domestic policy has evaporated. Our choices about America's foreign policy will help determine: o Whether Americans' real incomes double every 26 years, as they did in the 1960s, or every 36 years, as they did during the late 1970s and 1980s; * Whether the 25 nations with weapons of mass destruction grow in number or decline; * Whether the next quarter- century will see terrorism, which injured or killed more than 2,000 Americans during the last quarter- century, expand or recede as a threat; and . Whether the nations of the world will be more able or less able to address regional disputes, humanitarian needs, and the threat of environmental degradation. I do not presume today to define the Administration's entire foreign policy vision. But following on Secre- tary Christopher's speech yesterday and anticipating the address the President will make to the United Nations General Assembly on Monday, I want to suggest some broad prin- ciples as a contribution to an essential national dialogue about our purpose in the world. America's Core Concepts: Democracy and Market Economics Let us begin by taking stock of our new era. Four facts are salient. First, America's core concepts-- democracy and market economics--are more broadly accepted than ever. Over the past 10 years, the number of democracies has nearly doubled. Since 1970, the number of significant com- mand economies dropped from 10 to 3. This victory of freedom is practical, not ideological: Billions of people on every continent are simply concluding, based on decades of their own hard experience, that democracy and markets are the most productive and liberating ways to organize their lives. Their conclusion resonates with America's core values. We see indi- viduals as equally created, with a God-given right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. So we trust in the equal wisdom of free individuals to protect those rights: through democ- racy-as the process for best meeting shared needs in the face of competing desires-and through markets--as the process for best meeting private needs 658 U.S. Department of State Dispatch * September 27, 1993 * Vol. 4, No. 39 U.S. Department of State Dispatch * September 27, 1993 & Vol. 4, No. 39 658

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