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     Congressional Research Service
--e  Informrig the legislative debate since 1914


Updated May  22, 2025


Libya and U.S. Policy


Over a decade after a 2011 uprising and U.S.-backed
military intervention that toppled longtime authoritarian
leader Muammar  al Qadhafi, Libya has yet to make a
transition to stable governing arrangements. Elections and
diplomacy have produced a series of interim governments,
but militias, local leaders, and subnational coalitions backed
by competing foreign patrons have remained the most
powerful arbiters of public affairs. The postponement of
planned elections since 2021, Libyans' continuing lack of
consensus over electoral and constitutional arrangements,
the potential fragility of a United Nations (UN)-backed
ceasefire, and institutional rivalry are prolonging Libya's
instability and pose challenges for U.S. decisionmakers.
Successive U.S. Administrations have sought to prevent
Libya from serving as a permissive environment for
transnational terrorist groups while reacting to Libya's
internal conflict and interventions by other countries. The
increased presence and influence in Libya of Russian
officials and security actors since 2020 paired with the
effects of ongoing conflict and political instability to
Libya's south appeared to motivate the Biden
Administration to attempt to unify Libyan institutions,
despite lingering international and Libyan concerns about
the behavior, legitimacy, and intentions of key Libyan
actors. The Trump Administration has continued to engage
with actors from across Libya, and U.S. officials continue
to promote cooperation among Libyans.
The 118th Congress appropriated funds for U.S. diplomacy
and aid programs, including pursuant to the Global Fragility
Act (GFA, Title V of Division J, P.L. 116-94). Changes by
the Trump Administration to U.S. foreign aid programs and
implementing agencies have resulted in changes to or
cancellation of some U.S. assistance efforts in Libya.
Congress provided funds in 2024 to enable the future
reestablishment of a U.S. full-time diplomatic presence in
Libya, which could enable more robust U.S. engagement.

War, Ceasefire, and a Deferred Election
Libya's 2012 election produced governing arrangements
that devolved into conflict in 2014, effectively dividing the
country along ideological, geographic, and institutional
lines. Conflict re-erupted in April 2019, when a coalition of
eastern Libya-based armed groups led by Qadhafi-era
military defector Khalifa Haftar known as the Libyan
National Army (LNA,  alt. Libyan Arab Armed Forces,
LAAF),  attempted to seize the capital, Tripoli, from the
then-internationally recognized Government of National
Accord (GNA).  Russia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE),
Egypt, and leaders of Libya's House of Representatives
(HOR,  an interim parliament last elected in 2014) backed
the LNA. With Turkish military support, the GNA and anti-
LNA  western Libyan militias forced the LNA to withdraw.
Libya has remained divided since, with foreign forces still
present, and opposing coalitions separated by a line of


https://crsrepor


control west of Sirte (Figure 1). Multilateral diplomacy in
2020 helped achieve a ceasefire, which the UN monitors.
In 2021, members of a UN-appointed Libyan Political
Dialogue Forum  (LPDF) and the HOR  approved an interim
Presidential Council and Government of National Unity
(GNU)  to replace the GNA, with a mandate to serve until
elections or through June 2022. The LPDF and HOR
endorsed Abdul Hamid  Dabaiba as GNU  Prime Minister,
along with a three-member Presidential Council. The UN
Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) facilitated discussions
among  the GNU, the HOR, and the High Council of State
(an advisory representative body), but was unable to
establish a constitutional and legal basis for parliamentary
and presidential elections then-planned for December 2021.
The elections were postponed indefinitely and have yet to
be rescheduled amid ongoing disputes over electoral laws
and the possibility of a new interim government. Since that
time, eastern Libya-based actors have revived efforts to
have a rival government, led by Osama Hamad, recognized
as legitimate. Competition among Libyans has intensified
for control over the National Oil Corporation (NOC) and
Central Bank, which govern the oil operations, revenues,
and public sector payments on which most Libyans rely. As
of 2025, some Libyans are pushing for the replacement of
the Dabaiba-led GNU  and the Hamad government with a
unified interim government to lead the country to elections.
Figure  1. Libya: Areas of Influence and Timeline


     Areas of Influence May 2025
        LNA Forces and Local Partners
      I LNA-Opposed Forces
        and Local MilitiasClA
        Local forces; affiliation varies
      --Select Oil Pipelines        Aiaarap  rxm te

  Source: Prepared by CRS using ArcGIS and media reporting.
  Protracted Divisions and US. Policy
  In January 2025, Hanna Tetteh of Ghana was named as
  Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General

ts.congress.gov

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