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1 1 (January 15, 2025)

handle is hein.crs/govesbv0001 and id is 1 raw text is: Congressional Research SerVcz informing if e Ieg~sIateve debate since 1914 January 15, 2025 Western Hemisphere: Issues for the 119th Congress The Trump Administration's 2020 Western Hemisphere Strategic Framework asserted that deep geographic, economic, and cultural ties make the region critical to United States national security, peace, and prosperity (see Figure 1). The Biden Administration's 2022 National Security Strategy similarly stated, No region impacts the United States more directly than the Western Hemisphere. Since the end of the Cold War, and particularly since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, however, consecutive U.S. Administrations and Congresses arguably have not prioritized the Western Hemisphere when formulating foreign policy or allocating resources. This may change in the coming years given that President-elect Donald Trump has placed renewed emphasis on the region since his November 2024 election. Among other policies, Trump has suggested he may impose tariffs on imports from Canada and Mexico in response to cross-border migration and narcotics flows, designate Mexican drug cartels as foreign terrorist organizations, and seek to regain U.S. control of the Panama Canal. The 119th Congress may assess challenges and opportunities in the Western Hemisphere as it considers proposals to authorize and fund diplomatic, foreign assistance, defense, and trade policy initiatives. Congress also may oversee the incoming Administration's approach to the region and assess whether and how to shape hemispheric relations using its legislative prerogatives. Strategc Compettion Limiting the influence of extra-hemispheric powers in the Western Hemisphere has been a tenet of U.S. policy since the articulation of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823 and was the predominant focus of U.S. policy in the region throughout the Cold War. Strategic competition has reemerged as a key aspect of U.S. policy in the Western Hemisphere over the past decade, as the People's Republic of China (PRC, or China) has expanded its engagement with the region. Such ties have been primarily economic, with China surpassing the United States as South America's top trade partner and emerging as an important source of foreign investment and development financing for some Latin American and Caribbean countries. U.S. Southern Command has expressed concerns that PRC investments in and around the region's critical infrastructure-including deepwater ports, telecommunications networks, space facilities, and the Panama Canal-could support future PRC military objectives. Russia's ties to Western Hemisphere countries are more limited, though U.S. military leaders have expressed concerns about Russia's activities in the Arctic and its support for authoritarian regimes. Consecutive U.S. Administrations have warned Western Hemisphere partners that their ties to the PRC could make them susceptible to economic coercion and compromise their security. They also have sought to foster alternative sources of investment into the region, using the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) and coordinating with multilateral organizations such as the Inter-American Development Bank. While the Canadian government has taken steps to restrict PRC influence inside Canada, Latin American and Caribbean governments generally have downplayed U.S. concerns and sought to avoid direct involvement in U.S.-PRC competition. The 119th Congress may assess which, if any, aspects of U.S. policy have proven effective in countering PRC influence in the Western Hemisphere. Congress also may take strategic competition in the region into consideration as it evaluates proposed legislation, such as a potential reauthorization of the DFC. Figure I. Political Map of the Western Hemisphere Source: Map Resources, edited by CRS. Drug Control Policy Over the past three decades, U.S. security policy in Latin America and the Caribbean has concentrated primarily on

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