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Congressional Research Service
Inforrning the legislative debate since 1914


Updated  December  6, 2019


Algeria


Months  of large, peaceful protests in Algeria have upended
the political establishment and ushered in a new era of
uncertainty. The protests began in February 2019, sparked
by then-President Abdelaziz Bouteflika's decision to seek a
fifth term in a vote due that April, despite his evident ill
health and advanced age (81). Bouteflika withdrew from
the race in March, then resigned on April 2 after military
chief of staff General Ahmed Gaid Salah (a onetime ally)
called for his impeachment. Law enforcement bodies have
since arrested business leaders, military intelligence
officials, and politicians on corruption and state security
charges; some, but not all, were seen as close to Bouteflika.
Senate leader Abdelkader Bensalah assumed  the position of
interim president after Bouteflika resigned, in line with
constitutional succession provisions. He has remained in
that post despite the expiration of his 90-day mandate under
the constitution, as elections planned for July were canceled
after the Constitutional Council disqualified the two
candidates who had registered.
The presidential election has since been rescheduled for
December   12. Five candidates have registered, all of whom
served either in the cabinet or legislature under Bouteflika.
Tens of thousands of protesters have continued to turn out
weekly. Many  reject the election as premature, the
candidates as representing political continuity, and military
leaders for steering the transition. Dozens have been
arrested in recent months on various, often vague charges.
General Gaid Salah, who has positioned himself as a power
broker without explicitly seizing control, has strongly
backed the election calendar, characterizing protests as the
dangerous product of outside interference.
Politics:   Context
Algeria remained politically stable amid regional turmoil
between 2011  and 2018, but the prospect of an uncertain
leadership transition loomed large as members of the
revolutionary generation (which fought for independence
from France) aged. A strong presidency and security
apparatus, a state-centric economy with an emerging
oligarchic business class, and social welfare programs
fueled by oil and natural gas revenues have defined the
political system. Decision-making under Bouteflika was
often opaque, with politicians, security officials, and
business leaders reportedly wielding influence. This system
brought relative stability and living standard improvements
to a country wracked by violence in the 1990s. Yet in recent
years, analysts observed political paralysis due to a lack
of elite consensus over the post-Bouteflika era.
Bouteflika was first elected president in 1999 with military
backing, as Algeria's decade-long conflict with Islamist
armed  groups was waning. He introduced reconciliation
initiatives and sought to exert greater control over the army
and intelligence service. Bouteflika was reelected in 2014
despite being physically debilitated from a stroke.


Figure  I. Algeria at a Glance
     Population: 417/ miion                  , r
     Languages: Arabic. (offic°ial),.
     Frnch. , Beher dialects
     Sunnri) 99%, , other <1% ( 20=12)
     Life Expectancy: 77 yars
     Population Under 24 Years old: 4%
     Literacy: 10% (2015)
     GDP: owth rae 2   pe
     Unemployment: 11.6
     Exports: petroleum, natural gas, and petroleum produ ts

Source: CRS graphic; data from CIA World Factbook + IMF (2018).
The bicameral parliament is institutionally weak and
dominated  by two parties that backed Bouteflika: the
National Liberation Front (FLN), which led Algeria's fight
for independence and was the sole legal party for decades,
and the National Rally for Democracy (RND), considered
close to the military. The political opposition is diverse and
divided, comprising leftist, Islamist, Berber-led, and
regionally focused groups. Many parties exhibit internal
divisions. Some analysts argue that political Islam has been
discredited in Algeria due to Islamists' role in the 1990s
civil conflict, or-alternatively-due to some Islamist
politicians' accommodation with the state. The Islamic
Salvation Front (FIS), whose rapid electoral gains in 1991
sparked a military coup and the subsequent conflict,
remains banned. Religiously conservative Salafist social
movements   have grown in prominence since the conflict.
Terrorism and Counterterrorism
Cells linked to Al Qaeda and the Islamic State (IS) are
reportedly active in some areas, but the pace of terrorist
attacks has continuously decreased since the early 2000s.
State security forces conduct frequent counterterrorism
operations, and they have bolstered their presence in border
regions since the outbreak of wars in Libya and Mali in
2011. The government  also runs de-radicalization programs
and has sought to control the content of religious sermons.
Al Qaeda  in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), a regional
network, originated as an insurgent faction in Algeria's
1990s conflict and aligned itself with Al Qaeda in 2006.
AQIM's   leader reportedly remains based in northeast
Algeria, but the group's center of gravity has moved south
and east over the past decade. An AQIM splinter faction
claimed an assault in 2013 on a natural gas plant in
southeast Algeria in which 39 foreigners (including three
Americans)  were killed. In 2017, AQIM's southern branch
joined a Malian-led coalition known as the Group for
Supporting Islam and Muslims  (JNIM  after its transliterated
Arabic name). AQIM   elements and offshoots are also active
in Libya and Tunisia.
In 2014, an IS affiliate known as Jund al Khilafah (soldiers
of the caliphate) emerged in northern Algeria and


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