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  Updated July 28, 2020


Algeria


The Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic
largely halted a yearlong mass protest movement in early
2020, but questions remain about the future of Algeria's
political system. Defining features have included a strong
presidency and security apparatus, a state-centric economy
with an oligarchic business class, and social welfare
programs fueled by oil and natural gas revenues. In early
2019, then-President Abdelaziz Bouteflika was forced to
abandon his reelection bid, and then to resign, amid
swelling protests and a public withdrawal of support from
then-chief of defense staff General Ahmed Gaid Salah.
Senate leader Abdelkader Bensalah became interim head of
state pending elections for a new president, consistent with
the constitution, although the vote was delayed past
constitutional timelines. Gaid Salah then appeared to
consolidate influence at the expense of the powerful and
sometimes rival military intelligence service (which
Bouteflika had brought under the presidency's control) and
of top business and ruling party figures, many of whom
were prosecuted on corruption or national security grounds.
The election was ultimately held in December 2019, in the
face of protester demands for deeper political changes.
Activists' calls for a boycott appeared to depress turnout,
officially 40%. Abdelmadjid Tebboune (74), a former
prime minister who ran as an independent, was declared the
winner with 58%, besting four other political insiders.
Viewed as favored in the race by Gaid Salah, Tebboune
arguably hails from the economic nationalist wing of the
political elite: during his brief tenure as prime minister in
2017, he imposed sweeping import restrictions and sought
to curtail the influence of the business class. Gaid Salah
died of a heart attack shortly after the election and was
replaced by Gen. Said Chengriha (75), former army chief of
staff and a veteran of the 1967 and 1973 Arab-Israeli wars.
Whether and how the events of 2019 might lead to more
accountable and transparent governance are uncertain, as is
the extent of President Tebboune's power and commitment
to such goals. Tebboune has offered dialogue with
protesters, pardoned some activists, and floated changes to
the constitution. At the same time, a growing number of
protest leaders and local journalists have faced criminal
charges and/or prison terms in 2020, and the constitutional
proposals appear unlikely to alter the fundamental balance
of power. After the country locked down due to COVID-19
in March-April 2020, authorities blocked several critical
internet news sites, while parliament enacted a new law
criminalizing fake news deemed harmful to state security.
Hundreds of people were reportedly detained when small
protests resurged in some cities in May-June 2020.
Economic challenges, which have worsened with the
pandemic, may fuel further unrest.
Context. Algeria remained comparatively stable between
2011 and 2018 amid turmoil elsewhere in North Africa, but
the prospect of an uncertain leadership transition loomed.


Figure I. Algeria at a Glance


   Languagei: Ai o....                           ..........

   Religions: MAusim{okilprd            N      A

   Life Expectancy  /175 ra-3rs
   Ulterery; 8 20 18
   GDP (2O19) r~t rate 2%




Source: CRS graphic; data from CIA World Factbook + IMF (2019).

After the country was wracked by internal conflict in the
1990s, Bouteflika's two decade-long presidency
emphasized national reconciliation and improved living
standards, but official decision-making was often opaque,
with politicians, security officials, and business leaders
reportedly wielding influence. Despite being largely
silenced by illness, Bouteflika was reelected in 2014 and
again sought reelection in 2019. Observers interpreted this
as resulting from an elite impasse over who might succeed
him, as members of the revolutionary generation who had
long dominated politics aged and passed away.

Two parties dominate the institutionally weak parliament:
the National Liberation Front (FLN), which led the fight for
independence and was the sole legal party for decades, and
the National Rally for Democracy (RND), considered close
to the military. Both backed former Minister of Culture
Azzedine Mihoubi for president in December 2019; he lost.
The opposition is diverse and divided, comprising leftist,
Islamist, Berber-led, and regionally focused parties. Many
exhibit internal divisions. Some analysts argue that political
Islam has been discredited in Algeria due to armed
Islamists' role in the 1990s civil conflict, or conversely
due to some Islamists' accommodation with the state. The
Islamic Salvation Front, whose rapid electoral gains in 1991
sparked a military coup and the subsequent conflict,
remains banned. Religiously conservative Salafist social
movements have grown in prominence since the conflict.
COVID-19. Algeria has been a COVID-19 hotspot in
Africa, possibly due in part to travel and family connections
with Europe, along with ample domestic transportation
infrastructure (which facilitates internal travel and thus,
contagion). As of July 24, Algeria had recorded nearly
25,500 cases (about 5.8 per 10,000 people, slightly higher
than Morocco and significantly higher than Tunisia), and
the rate of new infections was rising. The pandemic's
economic impact, including continued downward pressure
on global energy prices, is also a key concern; as of April,
the International Monetary Fund (IMF) predicted Algeria's
GDP would shrink by 5.2% in 2020.

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