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May 31, 2017


FY2018 Foreign Aid Budget Request: Impact on USAID


If enacted, the Trump Administration's FY2018 foreign aid
request would have a deep impact on current program
recipients, sectors, and operations of the U.S. Agency for
International Development (USAID), the leading
humanitarian and development arm of the U.S. government.
Agen~cy Nudkhng LeveLd
The USAID budget is made up of 14 appropriations
accounts 10 supporting aid programs and 4 supporting
agency administration. Seven program accounts are fully-
owned by the agency, but three State's Global Health
(HIV-AIDS), Economic Support Fund (ESF), and the
Assistance for Europe, Eurasia & Central Asia (AEECA)
accounts are shared with other agencies, with USAID
receiving between 60% and 94% of funding from these
accounts in any given year. This makes any calculation of
its real functioning budget somewhat imprecise if only
USAID's portion of these accounts is counted, the agency's
budget is likely $2-$4 billion less than the $25 billion
FY2017 level, which includes both fully and partially
managed accounts.
The FY2018 proposal would severely cut the USAID
budget however it is defined. Total program and
administrative funding would be cut by 39% from FY2017
levels (counting the Security Assistance supplemental
appropriations approved in December 2016, P.L. 114-254).
Total program funding, including shared accounts, would
be decreased by about 41%-the shared accounts would be
cut by only 12%, but USAID's core, solely managed
program budget would be cut by nearly 67%.

A d m  n  t ra tiNve A cc,,o unk-,ts
Relative to the program cuts, the agency's administrative
budget would be reduced by a comparatively light 13%
from FY2017 levels. However, personnel levels are
expected to fall by 16% overall among U.S. direct hires
between now and the end of FY2018. The number of
Foreign Service Officers will decline by 9% and civil
service by 25%. Both are expected to fall as a result of the
current hiring freeze and attrition.
Diminished personnel levels, as well as cuts to key
functional bureaus that support agency programs, raise
concerns regarding the ability of the agency to maintain
technical expertise in key development sectors. The Policy,
Planning and Learning Bureau, which leads strategic
thinking and evaluation practices for the agency, would be
reduced by 44% from FY2016 levels, the most recent year
data available for bureaus and sectors. The agency's
agriculture back-stop, the Bureau for Food Security, would
be cut by nearly 71% and its Economic Growth, Education,
and Environment Bureau's budget would be decreased by
about 38%. The Global Development Lab, perhaps the most
prominent legacy of former Administrator Rajiv Shah,
which promotes the application of science and technology
to development problems, would be cut by 85%.


All of USAID's appropriations program accounts would be
cut under the FY2018 proposal. Two issues are particularly
noteworthy:
First, the FY2018 request would zero fund the P.L.480 Title
II Food for Peace program within the Agriculture
appropriations and support food aid entirely through the
International Disaster Assistance (IDA) account instead.
P.L.480 restrictions that limit the proportion of funding that
can be used for cash purchases of food commodities in local
markets would not apply. Commodities purchased abroad
would not be subject to cargo preferences requiring use of
U.S. shippers to deliver half of food aid.
Second, the Development Assistance (DA), ESF, AEECA,
Democracy Fund, and International Organizations and
Programs (IO&P) accounts would be eliminated and
replaced by an Economic Support and Development Fund
(ESDF). The ESDF is described in the FY2018 State,
Foreign Operations Congressional Budget Justification as
supporting those countries and programs that are most
critical to U.S. national security and strategic objectives.
The Administration provides no measure to distinguish
recipients of the new ESDF from those countries expected
to no longer receive DA or ESF. While the Administration
would likely argue that assistance should be provided
foremost to countries of strategic significance to U.S.
interests, many observers contend that eliminating dozens
of recipients is a short-sighted strategy. In their view, it
ignores the potential for every low-income country to
become a focus of terrorism, disease, and political
instability if their problems are not addressed before they
get out of hand. Further, many note that foreign assistance
is often an entryway for collaboration with foreign
government ministries that diplomatic approaches lack.
It is not clear under what specific legal authorities the
ESDF would operate. State Department officials indicated
they have no plan to offer draft legislation to establish the
ESDF in law, saying it would be regulated by the
authorities that currently apply to all five of the accounts it
would absorb. As ESF and DA have discrete authorities
within the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (P.L. 87-195, as
amended), Congress may wish to clarify the parameters of a
new aid account.


Thirty-seven countries that received DA, ESF, or AEECA
in FY2016 would no longer receive funding through these
accounts or the proposed ESDF. Assistance to 18 of these
countries was under $5 million, but a number of larger
programs would be eliminated, including Mozambique ($43
million in FY2016), Zambia ($39 million), Cambodia ($43
million), India ($27 million), and Sri Lanka ($38 million).
Budget documents do not discuss possible USAID mission
closures.


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