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                                                                                                 December 12, 2019

Thailand: 2019 Elections, Issues, and Outlook for Congress


In March 2019, Thailand held its first elections since a 2014
coup installed a military government. Through an electoral
system weighted in favor of the military and a process
fraught with allegations of irregularities, junta chief Prayuth
Chan-ocha and his military proxy party emerged victorious
(although with a narrower margin than expected), with
Prayuth remaining in the position of prime minister. The
U.S. Department of State certified in July 2019 that a
democratically elected government had taken office in
Thailand, allowing for the restoration of the military
assistance that had been proscribed since the 2014 coup.
U.S. officials welcomed the March election and subsequent
reopening of military assistance as positive steps towards
rekindling the bilateral ties that have frayed over more than
a decade of political turmoil in Thailand. Many observers
note, however, that the new government was elected
through a system that many view as created by the junta to
preserve its rule. Given Thailand's new political climate,
some analysts have raised questions about how the United
States will balance its democracy-promotion goals with its
strategic interests with Thailand and the region.


The March 24 elections were described by a number of
independent monitoring groups as deeply flawed and
heavily tilted to favor the military junta. Thailand's
military-drafted constitution gave structural advantages to
the military, and a series of draconian laws passed by the
junta in 2016 allowed it to tighten censorship over media
outlets and silence critics, purportedly in the interest of
national security and public safety. Additionally, Thailand's
sole election management body, the Election Commission
of Thailand (ECT), did not grant approvals for international
observer groups in time to allow for adequate election
oversight. Some independent election monitoring groups,
such as the Asian Network for Free Elections International
Election Observation Mission (IEOM), were able to
monitor and assess pre-election activities and election-day
operations at polling stations in every province.

  ANFREL saw a campaign environment which is
  heavily tilted to benefit the incumbent military junta
  and the candidates that it supports.
       -The Asian Network for Free Elections ANFREL)

On election day, roughly 75% of Thailand's 51 million
registered voters took to the polls. Although voting ran
smoothly overall, reports of irregularities such as
incorrect ballot tallying and conflicting reports of voter
turnout drew extensive criticism from Thailand's pro-
democracy parties and international observers. The
irregularities triggered a 45-day delay in releasing the
official results, which were announced on May 8. Some
experts assert that the delay was manufactured by the junta


to discourage civil unrest prior to the coronation of King
Rama X in early May 2019.

T',h,-a~nd's New GovKY    nmekn
On June 5, 2019, Prayuth was elected prime minister with
the full support of a 250-seat Senate of military appointees
and a coalition of neutral and pro-military parties in
parliament. Prayuth and his cabinet of 35 ministers were
sworn into office on July 16, 2019, and the junta officially
known as the National Council for Peace and Order
(NCPO) was subsequently dissolved. The cabinet
includes a number of key members from the NCPO, and
also a network of politicians whose parties were pivotal for
the pro-military alliance to clinch its parliamentary
majority. The entrenchment of junta personnel in the Thai
government's most powerful positions Prayuth is also
defense minister, and three former military officers hold
deputy prime minister positions has led many analysts to
believe that Thailand's new civilian government is a
continuation of military rule.


Since forming a new civilian government, Prayuth
encountered a number of obstacles, which led many experts
to question his effectiveness as prime minister and his
ability to win greater legitimacy at home and abroad:
* Lack of Absolute Power. As leader of a civilian
   government, Prayuth no longer enjoys the powers and
   protections that came along with Article 44 under the
   military government, a controversial provision that
   granted absolute powers to the junta chief. With the loss
   of such powers, Prayuth's military tendencies have
   garnered increased scrutiny. His arguably quick-
   tempered disposition and visible frustration with
   criticism have led many experts to question his ability to
   cooperate with lawmakers across the political spectrum.
* Unstable Coalition. Prayuth's coalition in parliament
   commands a four-seat majority. His capacity to pass
   legislation will therefore rely heavily on his ability to
   keep his coalition intact. Prayuth could risk losing
   unsatisfied members in his camp to the opposition bloc,
   the Democratic Front. Comprised of a number of anti-
   junta parties, the Democratic Front is headed by the
   populist Pheu Thai party, which was founded by exiled
   former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.


Prayuth's policy agenda hews to a long-term national
strategy passed by the junta in 2018, which serves as a
blueprint to facilitate Thailand's long-term development
and national security. The national strategy authorizes the
removal of any future government that fails to adhere to the
outlined policies. The strategy additionally grants
insurrection immunity to generals who stage coups in the


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