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85 IRET Congressional Advisory 1 (1999)

handle is hein.taxfoundation/iretcgadv0082 and id is 1 raw text is: July 22, 1999 No. 85
MOSTLY GOOD STUFF IN THE
HOUSE AND SENATE TAX BILLS
How to Judge a Tax Bill
The House and Senate tax bills are good
proposals that could become much better proposals
with modest changes. The tax plans should be
judged by whether or not they move us closer to the
goals of fundamental tax reform - a simple,
neutral, unbiased, pro-growth
tax system.   How   do the
House and Senate tax bills
stack up against that objective?  The House a
are good pr
A  reformed tax system     become   muec
would have these attributes:   with modest c
 A   single low  tax  rate
applied  neutrally to  all
income, properly measured, with no tax-induced
economic distortions.
 Neutral treatment of income used for immediate
consumption and income used for saving and
investment. It would either defer tax on saving
until it is withdrawn for consumption, or not tax
returns on after-tax saving, i.e., all saving would
get pension or IRA treatment (regular or Roth).
Investment outlays would be expensed, not
depreciated.
 No double taxation of corporate income.
 No death tax.
 No excise and nuisance taxes.
 No payroll tax. Social Security contributions and
benefits would be replaced by personal retirement

posa
'i bei
hiange

saving plans owned by individuals, and bolstered
by a federal safety net as needed.
Elements of the House and Senate Tax Bills
Rate cuts (both bills). The 10% across the
board tax rate cut in the House bill would lower
marginal tax rates in all brackets, and enhance after-
tax work and saving incentives at the margin for all
taxpayers. The Senate plan only reduces the 15%
bracket (to 14%), and is not at the margin for
many taxpayers. The House rate cuts would do
more to boost the economy.
Lower rates are good, but the rate structure and
the tax base (what we tax) matter too. Neither rate
cut proposal flattens the tax rate structure nor makes
the tax code less biased.
Graduated tax rates punish people the more they
produce, and the rising disincentive chokes off
effort. The most damage is done by the highest
rates, which should be cut the
most.
nate tax bills        Marginal tax burdens on
Is that could      saving and investment come
tel  roposals     from the combined tax rates
S.                 that result from the repeated
taxation of income that is
saved and invested, not just the
rates imposed at any one level.
The biggest cut in disincentives and the greatest
gain in GDP would come from eliminating the
double or triple taxation of capital, not from
lowering the basic tax rates.
A bottom rate cut could interfere with tax
reform. A flat rate tax would probably need a tax
rate somewhere between 17 and 23 percent of
income used for consumption in order to pay for a
reasonable level of government.  Lowering the
bottom tax rate to 14% or 13.5% would make it
difficult to enact a single-rate tax in the future.
These considerations suggest an alternative
reform. Instead of cutting the bottom income tax

Institute for
Research on the
Economics of
Taxation

IRET is a non-profit, tax exempt 501(c)(3) economic policy research and educational organization devoted to informing the
public about policies that will promote economic growth and efficient operation of the free market economy.
1730 K Street, N.W., Suite 910, Washington, D.C. 20006
Voice 202-463-1400 * Fax 202-463-6199 0 Internet www. ret.org

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