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4 IRET Congressional Advisory 1 (1992)

handle is hein.taxfoundation/iretcgadv0004 and id is 1 raw text is: February 24, 1992 No. 4
WHERE'S THE GROWTH?
PRESIDENT BUSH'S 7-POINT
PACKAGE IS TOO WEAK; THE
HOUSE DEMOCRATS'
ALTERNATIVE IS ANTI-GROWTH
In his State of the Union Address, President
Bush presented a program of tax and other policy
changes intended to overcome the recession and
promote economic growth.    At the President's
request, a shortened list of his tax proposals was
introduced in the Congress. The Democrats on the
House Ways & Means Committee, led by Rep.
Rostenkowski, quickly countered with a plan of
their own. Both packages are disappointing, but for
different reasons. Both are collections of ad hoc
measures rather than carefully constructed programs
for removing tax barriers to economic progress.
The President's bill, although it has a few positive
features, is much too weak; it would do little to
correct government-created tax and regulatory
disincentives to work and saving.   The plan
developed by the Ways & Means Committee
Democrats is primarily redistributional; its insistence
on big tax increases for upper-income individuals
would further damage work and saving incentives.
Its two key elements are a temporary tax reduction
for the poor and middle class and permanently
higher tax rates for people with larger incomes.
A growth plan, to be successful, must focus on
reducing made-in-Washington barriers to production

and employment.     The existing tax  system,
particularly the income and payroll taxes, raises the
cost of working.  The corporate and personal
income taxes impair America's ability to grow by
penalizing  saving  and investment relative to
immediate consumption. Government regulatory
policies increase production costs, diminishing the
economy's capacity to produce goods and services.
Several good ways to mitigate tax biases against
saving and investment would be to reduce or
eliminate the capital gains tax, to ease restrictions
on  individual retirement accounts so   more
households will use them, to speed up capital cost
recovery allowances so businesses can deduct capital
expenses closer to when the costs are incurred, to
replace the passive loss limitation rules with other
rules that hit only abusive tax arrangements, and to
downsize if not abolish the ill-conceived alternative
minimum tax. A powerful way to encourage work
effort, particularly by low- and middle-income
individuals, would be to roll back the 1990 social
security tax increases.
The  reforms should   be  permanent, not
temporary. Temporary measures bring no lasting
improvements in production or employment. They
invite a stop-and-go economy in which any apparent
gains today are only borrowed from the future.
Permanent measures, on the other hand, encourage
quick and continued increases in work effort and
investment.  If tax biases against saving and
investment were moderated, for example, production
and  employment would    begin rising  almost
immediately as many more investment projects
suddenly became attractive. The benefits would
build through time: the progressively larger and
more modern stock of capital would sustain
improvements   in   productivity,  international
competitiveness, job creation, real wages, and living
standards.
A frequent objection to permanent tax reforms
is that they lose too much revenue. But the official
revenue estimates ignore the favorable impact of a

Institute for
Research on the
Economics of
Taxation

IRET is a non-profit, tax exempt 501(c)(3) economic policy research and educational organization devoted to informing the
public about policies that will promote economic growth and efficient operation of the free market economy.
1730 K Street, N.W., Suite 910, Washington, D.C. 20006
Voice 202-463-1400 * Fax 202-463-6199 0 Internet www.iret.org

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