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109 IRET Byline 1 (1992)

handle is hein.taxfoundation/iretbyln0109 and id is 1 raw text is: December 28, 1992 No. 109
The High Costs of
Soak-the-Rich Taxation
During his Presidential campaign, Bill Clinton
insisted that wealthier people should pay more
individual income taxes. According to Mr. Clinton
and his advisers, taking more money from upper-
income individuals would be fair, easy, and cause
little, if any, harm to the economy. In fact, they are
wrong on all counts. Steeper taxes on upper-income
individuals would not be fair. Most of the added
revenues that the incoming administration thinks is
there for the taking would never materialize. The
heavier taxes would damage the economy and would
hurt everyone. The maneuver would also increase the
middle class's political exposure to higher taxes.
The call for higher tax rates on upper-income
individuals follows a path that Congressional
Democrats embarked on before the ink was even dry
on the Tax Reform Act of 1986. They have been
trying to raise tax rates while retaining the drastically
expanded definition of taxable income contained in the
1986 act. In early 1992, for instance, Congressional
Democrats passed a tax bill (which President Bush
vetoed) that would have added a fourth tax bracket of
36%, tacked on a 10% millionaires' surtax, extended
the phase-out of itemized deductions and personal
exemptions for upper-income individuals, and barred
companies from deducting compensation to any
executive in excess of $1 million.
The notion that higher-income people are not
paying their fair share of income taxes ignores the

Institute for
Research on the
Economics of
Taxation

IRET,
Bylin

disproportionate share of taxes they already pay. In
1990, the top 1% of tax filers paid about one-quarter
of all individual income taxes, the top 2% paid about
one-third, and the top one-half of filers paid over 90%.
Far from getting off lightly, upper-income individuals
pay the lion's share of individual income taxes.
Indeed, it is plausible to argue from the numbers that
if anyone is being taken advantage of by the tax
system, it is upper-income individuals.  They
contribute much more in taxes than do other people
and their taxes take a disproportionately larger share of
the fruits of their labor and saving.
Denying people, solely on the basis of their
income, legitimate personal exemptions and itemized
deductions that are available to everyone else is
blatantly discriminatory. Although extending these
disallowances is an integral part of many fairness
packages, such selective disallowances are the epitome
of unfairness.
The proposal to limit the deductibility of executive
compensation would violate a core principle of sound
income taxation: expenses, including payroll costs,
should be deducted in computing taxable income.
This attempt at government micromanagement of
compensation would also send the perverse message
that Washington thinks business executives, whose
decisions play such a large role in determining
America's job outlook and competitiveness, are
somehow less important than top athletes, actors, and
rock stars, whose salaries would not be subject to the
cap. Ironically, to the extent that the cap would raise
major corporations' tax bills, the middle class would
foot much of the tab because they have large corporate
holdings through pensions, mutual funds, and direct
stock ownership.
Those who contend that higher-income individuals
deserve to be taxed more heavily should be required to
explain how they define fairness before their demands
are written into law. In the absence of an objective
definition, fairness is an out-of-control concept with
no logical stopping point; it is used to rationalize any
degree of income redistribution, no matter how
extreme.  There is no solid, objective basis for

IRET is a non-profit, tax exempt 501(c)(3) economic policy research and educational organization devoted to informing the
public about policies that will promote economic growth and efficient operation of the free market economy.
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