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1 Wm. H. Bissel, The Slave Question: Speech of Hon. Wm. H. Bissell, of Illinois, in the House of Representatives, February 21, 1850 1 (1850)

handle is hein.slavery/sqshw0001 and id is 1 raw text is: 


                                  THE SLAVE QUESTION.



                                         SPEECH

                                                 OF


HON. WM. H. BISSELL, OF ILLINOIS,


             IN  THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 21, 1850,


In  Committee   of  the Whole   on the  state of  the  Union,   on  the  Resolution referring the
               President's   Message to the appropriate Standing Committees.


   Mr. BISSELL said: .
   Mr. CHAIRMAN: Our discussions in this Com-
mittee have already produced  a profound and pain-
ful sensation throughout  the Union.  The   public
mind  has  become  agitated and  anxious, and  op-
pressed with apprehensions of impending  calamity.
This  state of things, sir, ought not to continue;
or, at any rate, that uncertainty which makes  the
future more  terrible than would perhaps the real-
ization of our worst  fears, ought to be removed.
If this Government   of ours is really so near its
end  as gentlemen  here declare it to be; or if its
longer continuance depends  upon  contingencies so
uncertain, it were well that we knew  it now, that
we  might  make   timely preparation.  If, on  the
other hand,  the apprehensions  I have  spoken  of
are groundless, the people ought, in mercy,  to be
undeceived.   They   ought  to be  undeceived   at
once, sir, in order that they may have that repose
and conscious  security to which they are entitled
under  a government created and sustained by their
own  hands.
  Reluctant as I am  to add to the public anxiety,
I yet do not feel at liberty to withhold the expres-
sion  of my   own   opinion upon   the  absorbing
topic of this discussion, and  of the  day.  And
I do not hesitate to declare, as my settled convic-
tion, that, unless representatives who   have  as-
sumed  tospeak  for the  slaveholding States have
greatly mistaken  the purposes  and  intentions of
the people of those States, war and bloodshed, con-
sequent  upon  an attempt  to overthrow this Gov-
ernment, are inevitable. This  declaration I desire
should  go forth to the country;  and  with it the
reasons upon  which  my  opinion is based.  These
reasons are  found in  the extracts which  I shall
quote, first, from  the speech  of  the honorable
gentleman  from Mississippi, [Mr. BROWN.] Tier
are the extracts:
   Whilst you have been heaping outrage upon outrage, add-
ing insult to insult, our people have been calmly ealculating
the value of the Union. The question has been considered
in all its bearings,and our  inids are made up.''
   We owe itto you, to ourselves, to our common country,
to 1ie friends of freedom throughout the world, to warn you
that we intend to submit no longer.5
  Long years of outrage upon our feelings and disregard of
our rights have awakened in every southern heart a feeling
of steri resistance. Think what you will, say what yol
wi1l, perpetrate again and again ifyou will, these acts of law-
less tyranny; the day and the hour is at hand when every
southern son will rise in rebellion, when every tongue will
say, give us justice or give us death.
   Go home and tell your people the issue is made up;
they mst now choose between non-interference with south-
ern rigits on the oneside, and a dissolution of the Union on
the other.''
  if you fancy that our devotion to the Union will keep us,


in the Union, you are mistaken. Our love for the Unioi
ceases wit the justice of the Union. We cannot love op-
pression, nor hug tyranny to our bosoms. I
  1 tell you candidly, we have calculated the value of the
Union.  Your injustice has driven us to it. Your oppres-
sion justifies me to-day in discussing the value of the Union,
and I do so freely and tearlessly. Your press, your people,
and your pulpit, may denounce this as treason; be it so.
You  may sing hosannas to the Union-it is well. British
lords called it treason in our fathers when they resisted
British tyranny. British orators were eloquentin their eu-
togimns on the British Crown. Our fathers felt the oppres-
siton, they saw the hand that aimed the blow, and resolved
to resist. The result is before the world. We will resist,
and trust to God and our own stout hearts for the conse-
quences.
   The South afraid of dissolving the Union !-why should
we  fear? What is there to alarm us or awaken our ap-
prehtensions? Are we not able to maintain ourselves?
Shall eight millions of freemen, with more than one hun-
dred millions of annual exports, fear to take their position
anotig te nations of the earth ? With our cotton, sugar,
rice, and tobacco, products of a southern soil, yielding us
aunually more tian a hundred millions of dollars, need we
fear the frowns of the world ?''
  Have  we any reason tofear a dissolution of the Union ?
Look  at the question dispassionately, and answer to your-
selves the important inquiry, Can anything be expected from
the fears of the southern people ? Do not deceive yourselves
-look at things as they really are. For myself, I can say with
a clear conscience, we do not fear it; we are not appalled
at the prospect before us; we deprecate disunion, but we do
not fear it; we know our position too well for that.''
   Have we anything to fear froi you in the event of disso-
lution ? A little gaseonade, and sometimes a threat or two.''
   As to there being any conflict of arms growing out of a
dissolution, I have not thought it at all probable. You
complain of your association With slaves in the Union. We
propose to take them out of the Union-to dissolve the un-
pleasantassociation. Will you seek a battle-filcd to renew,
amid blood and carnage, this loathsoe association ? I take
it for granted that you will not. But ifyou should, we point
you to the record of the past, and warn you, by its blood-
stained pages, that we shall be ready to meet you.
   These extracts  from  the speech of the gentle-
man  from  Mississippi [Mr. BRowN]   are sufficient
for our present purpose.
    The  gentleman   from  North   Carolina, [Mr.
CLINGMAN,]   tells us 1 what is the view presented in
prospect to many of the highest intellects of the South;'
and  it is substantially this: that as a separate Con-
federacy  the slaveholding States  might  expend
as muci  as the United States ever did  in time of
peace up  to the beginning of Gen.  Jackson's  ad-
mintistration, and still have on hand  twenty-five
millions of dollars to devote to the making   rail-
roads, openirg harbors  and  rivers, and for other
domestic  purposes.   The   same  gentleman  has
thus  disposed, in advance, of  some  little matters
pertaining to the interior regulations of the  south-
ern confederacy  to  be :  The   nothern tier of
counties in Kentucky,  says he,  would  perhaps
be obliged to remove their slaves to the South. But

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