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1 George E. Badger, Speech of Mr. Badger, of North Carolina, on the Slavery Question, in Senate, March 18 and 19, 1850 1 (1850)

handle is hein.slavery/spmbnc0001 and id is 1 raw text is: SPEECH OF lIlE BADGER, OF NORTH CAROLINA, ON TPfHE SLAVERY QUESTION. IN SENATE, AI&RCH 18 AND 19, 1850. The Senate having under coasideraLion the resolutions submitted by Mr. CLAY- Mr. BADGER said: Mr. President, it is not surprising, considering the subject-matter of the reso- utions submffitted by the honorable Senator from Kentucky, (Mr. CLAY,) that there should have beer a warm, and even an excited debate, produced by them in this house. Nor is it surprising, con- sidering the variety of topics embraced in those resolutions, that there should have been a great diver- sity of sentiment among the members of this body. The delicate nature of the subject out of which these resolutions have grown-to which, directly or indirectly, they all relate-furnishes abundant ex- cuse, if not justification, for the large amount of excited feeling, and warmth, and aninaLion of dis- cussion, here and elsewhere, 1 do not rise, Mr. President, with a view of saying any thing which shall tend to aggravate excitement, or at all to lessen the prospeets of an amicable accommodation of dxe various matters in dispute, pending between the different portions of this country. On the con- trary, while I shall express, with plainness and sincerity, the views which I entertain, I shall en- deavor to avoid saying any thing which can give just offence. In the remarks which I shall submit to the Senate, I shall endeavor to cultivate in myself, and, so far as depends upon me, in others, that spirit of rnutual concession, compromise, and kind feeling, in which the Union of the States originated, an i by cultivating which alone can it he preserved. There can be no question that the subject under the consideration of the Senate is vastly important. It is, in my judgrncnt, as important as the value of the Union; and for the estimate of that value, I my- self'possess no adequate powers of computation. For us, as a pcople, its value is, indeed, inestim- able. When, therefore, questions are moved here which do, either directly or indirectly, involve the continuance of this Union, and the maintenance of the form or government under which we live, I must consider them of such transcendant importance as to be worthy of every exercise of the un- dcrstanding of every member of this body, and as demanding from us all the exercise of' moderation, justice, care, and conciliation, in order to produce good and avoid evil. In the first place, I concur entirely in what has been so often said upon this floor, that there can be no peaceable separation of this Union. From the very nature of the ease, from the character of our insti- tutions, from the character of our country, from the nature of Government itself, it is, in my judgment, impossible that there can be a peaceable separation of this Union. But if there could be, 1 agree en- tirely with the honorable Senator from -Kentacky, that the state of peace in which we should separate must be speedily ended, must terminate in intestine conflicts, in wars, which, from the nature of the case, could know no amicable termination, no permanent peace; but, until the superiority of' one or of the other side in the conflict should be completely established, would admit of tiothing but hollow truces, in which each might breathe from past exertions, and make preparations for future conflicts. Sir, the idea of a separation of these States into distinct confederacies was thought of, and considered, and spoken of, before the adoption of this Constitution. At the time that the question was before the American people, whether the constitution proposed by the convention should be adopted, it was then spoken of. Its probable, yea, certain, consequences, were referred to by the writers of that admirable series of papers denominatedthe 'Federalist; and I beg the indulgence of the Senate while I read a very brief extract, conveying the views ofthose eminent men: If tiese States should either be wholly disunited, or only united in partial confederacies, aa ni must be far gone in Utpian speculation who can seriously doubt that the subdivisions into which they might be thrown would have fre- quent and violent contestswith each oiher. To presume a want of moives for such contests, as an argument against their existence, would be to forget that men nre ambitious, vindictive, and rapaclous. To look for a continuation of harmony betwePn a naumler ofindependent, unconnecled sovereignties, situated inthe same neighborhood, would be to disregard the uniform course of human eventsc, and to set at defiance the accumulated experience of ages. If this was a just view of the probable, the certain results of a separation of these States at that time, and under the uen circumstances, I pray you, sir, upon what, at the present day, can we found a bet- ter hope? Then the States were fresh from the conflict of the revolutionary war. Then not only had they a lively remembrance of the contest in which they had fought, and in which they had gathered victory and honor together, but the leading men of that time were those choice spirits who had carried them through that recent conflict; who had established the independence of the cou ,uy; and who ex- ercised an influence in public affairs proportioned to their patriotism, their valor, nd their wisdom. Then they might have separated without the same causes of hostility and alienation which must exist in any separation of these StaLes at the present day. If we separate now, we do it with feelings of GIDEON & Co., Printers. Reproduced with permission from the University of Illinois at Chicago

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