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94 Nat'l Civic Rev. 2 (2005)

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Otto von Bismarck  once  compared  the legislative process to
sausage making   two things, he suggested, you don't want
to see being  made.  The same  might  be said of America's
patchwork  voting system, which was on  display again during
the 2004  presidential election.

Although the more  comfortable margin of victory in the presi-
dential election this time around meant less media attention
than in 2000, there was still plenty of sausage making on view
for those who  cared  to take a peek:  interminable lines at
polling places, too few poll workers and machines, absentee
ballots gone missing, glitches in untested electronic voting
systems, and  discrepant treatment of everything from regis-
tration forms to provisional ballots. These recurring failures in
election administration pose a challenge and an  opportunity
for champions  of political reform.

Not since the days of the power political machine, when dead
people voted in alphabetical order, have a significant number
of Americans  had such doubt about  the integrity not just of
individual elected officials but of the voting system itself.
Doubt  extends  beyond  traditional questions of fairness or
accessibility to whether the system is rendering a reliable vote
count. After the 2000 election, political reform groups argued
that the Florida recount debacle was a wake-up call for reform
advocates. The broad public dialogue on systems change  that
many  reformers hoped  to see never transpired, though there
were attempts to deal with some of the more obvious problems.

In 2002,  Congress passed the Help America  Vote Act to deal
with some  of the problems raised in 2000. The law allocated
$3.9  million to states to be disbursed over a three-year peri-
od, paying for improvements in voting equipment and election
administration. But as Sarah Tobias, a senior policy analyst at
Demos,  writes in this issue of the National Civic Review, HAVA
implementation  was  thwarted from  its inception. Although
Congress passed  HAVA  with strong, bipartisan support it nev-
ertheless  consistently  underfunded   the  new  law,  she
observes.  The  Election Assistance  Commission  -a   body
intended  to disburse HAVA  funds to the states and  to give
guidance  on complex  implementation  challenges   was sup-
posed  to be up and running within 120  days of HAVA's  pas-
sage,  but it wasn't  established until the  end  of 2003.
Meanwhile,  most states proceeded  with election reform at a
glacial pace, with many waiting until 2006 to carry out HAVA's
new  requirements.

Demos  President and NCR  departments  editor Miles Rapoport
advocates  a strong national election commission  to ensure
progress on basic questions of access and fairness. We have


the potential mechanism   for it in the Election Assistance
Commission  that was set up under HAVA, he said in an inter-
view this past December,  but it was set up to be weak,  to
have no teeth, and it wasn't funded  or even appointed.

Though  strong national standards go against the grain of the
traditional emphasis on local and state control of election pro-
cedures,  recent  problems  with  voting equipment,   ballot
design, unequal  resources for polling places, and arbitrary
enforcement  of state and local rules argue for a set of nation-
al standards to guarantee the contemporary democratic  prin-
ciple of one person, one vote.

Another critical issue of concern is partisanship of the election
administration process. Even if the decisions of state and coun-
ty election officials are beyond reproach, the appearance of a
conflict of interest on the part of individuals with strong party
loyalty or political ambition raises questions about fairness and
equity. Party-affiliated election officers are a vestige of the nine-
teenth century, when every position from dogcatcher to police
commissioner  was  held by an elected party loyalist. Election
administration should be a task for which expertise and impar-
tiality, not partisanship, are part of the job description.

American  political reformers have their work set out for them,
but anyone  who  seeks an  inspiring example of nonpartisan
reform should look north to the Canadian  province of British
Columbia.  There the provincial legislature appointed a citi-
zens assembly to consider whether to keep the current first-
past-the-post voting system for electing members of the leg-
islature or adopt a form  of proportional representation. As
Henry Milner describes in this issue, the effort was so nonpar-
tisan that elected officials weren't even allowed to participate.
The assembly's  recommendations  for a voting system will be
placed on the ballot for a public referendum in May 2005.

Such  an ambitious effort to combine deliberative democracy
with political reform would be hard to imagine in an American
state, but the last two presidential elections have at least
raised the question in the minds of many  voters. One thing
you can say is that reform itself has come back as an issue,
notes Chellie Pingree, president of Common Cause, also in an
interview at the end of 2004. People see the danger of hav-
ing a broken system. Honestly, we can't answer all the ques-
tions we get about electoral reform. Do the machines work? Do
their votes count? It is a huge topic of conversation among
activists and citizens.

                                           Michael McGrath
                                                      Editor


2 1 National Civic Review

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