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80 Fed. Probation 45 (2016)
Transportation Strategies of Female Offenders

handle is hein.journals/fedpro80 and id is 193 raw text is: 
December 2016                                                                                                                   45


DEPENDABLE TRANSPORTATION CAN
include automobile ownership, proximity to
affordable and reliable public transit, or physi-
cal ability to walk or bike from place to place.
The challenge of dependable transportation
has been well studied in low-income and
elderly populations -populations similar to
female offenders. Female offenders commonly
experience financial hardship (Holtfreter,
Reisig, & Morash, 2004) as well as unemploy-
ment, unsafe housing (Schram, Koons-Witt,
Williams, & McShane, 2006), and significant
health concerns (Maruschak & Berzofsky,
2015). However, unlike these populations,
female offenders have disadvantages unique
to their criminal-justice system involvement
(Daly, 1992; Daly & Chesney-Lind, 1988).
Due to pasts demarcated by trauma, many
face depression and anxiety symptoms, anger/
hostility, adult victimization, parental stress,
and relationship dysfunction (Belknap, 1996;
Bloom, Owen, & Covington, 2003; Covington
& Bloom, 2003; O'Brien, 2006; Owen &
Bloom, 1995; Richie, 2001). Some also face
psychosis symptoms. These conditions likely
translate into greater need for transportation
to meet day-to-day needs and complete super-
vision successfully.
   Yet, because of these problems, female
offenders are often categorized on risk and
needs assessments as higher risk to recidivate
(Hannah-Moffat, 1999). As a result, women
are then required to attend a greater number of
supervision programs. Complicating the situa-
tion, programs appropriate for women tend to
be farther away geographically because fewer
women are in the criminal justice system.
Further still, because 56 percent of females in


federal prisons and 62 percent in state prisons
have at least one child (Glaze & Maruschak,
2008), female offenders are likely to have
primary caretaking responsibilities for minor
children who complicate travel (Covington,
2002). Consequently, women involved in the
criminal justice system experience a greater
and usually unrecognized need for dependable
and affordable transportation than men, low-
income women, and the elderly.
   Previous research has found that access
to dependable transportation, in low-income
populations, has been linked to several favor-
able outcomes. When women do own cars,
they live in better neighborhoods-ones with
lower poverty rates and fewer health risks
(Pendall et al., 2014). In fact, owning a car is
more important to getting, and maintaining,
employment than one's education or work
experience (Lichtenwalter, Koeske, & Sales,
2006). Therefore, it's not surprisingly that a
2014 Urban Institute Study (Pendall et al.,
2014) recommends that low-income women
need greater access to cars.
   Access to public transit is also impor-
tant for labor participation. In two large
U.S. cities, Sanchez (1999) found that peo-
ple who lived closer to a bus or subway
stop had significantly higher rates of labor
participation. Living closer to better trans-
portation is important because it improves
access to medical services and social programs
(Cvitkovich & Wister, 2001). Individuals with
worse transportation access report increased
levels of stress, reduced labor productivity,
lower employee performance, and absentee-
ism (Cox, Griffiths, & Rial-Gonzalez, 2000;
Gottholmseder, Nowotny, Pruckner, & Theurl,


          Miriam Northcutt Bohmert
   Indiana University - Bloomington



2009; Jacobson et al., 1996). In short, employ-
ment and health outcomes are better for those
with better access to transportation.
   Looking specifically at offender popula-
tions, previous research has highlighted the
prevalence of transportation disadvantage as
well as its problematic outcomes (Northcutt
Bohmert, 2016, 2014; Northcutt Bohmert &
DeMaris, forthcoming). In one Midwestern
state sample, 57.4 percent of women offenders
(210 of 366) were transportation- disadvan-
taged (Northcutt Bohmert, 2014). In follow-up
interviews (n=75), women identified the
common problems with transportation:
cost, access, reliability, and safety (Northcutt
Bohmert, 2016). The majority of the women
in the sample (80.9 percent) earned less than
$10,000 per year, or just $192 per week. In fact,
20 percent of women reported that the cost of
transportation was a problem for them. Sixty-
eight percent of women did not own or lease
their own vehicles. Among those who did
have cars, 32 percent reported car problems
such as their car breaking down frequently.
Buses providing limited or inadequate service
were a problem reported by 22.7 percent of
women. And 12 percent of women in the
sample reported in the in-depth interviews
that safety concerns were a problem. In turn,
transportation problems turned into missed
supervision appointments, work, a medical
appointment, mental health appointment, or a
supervision-related appointment (e.g., a court
date). Women with less access to transporta-
tion had a higher incidence of supervision
violations, arrest, and convictions, and experi-
enced these events more rapidly than women
with higher levels of transportation access,

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