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57 Colum. J.L. & Soc. Probs. [i] (2023)

handle is hein.journals/collsp57 and id is 1 raw text is: 







      COLUMBIA JOURNAL OF LAW
                                      AND

                  SOCIAL PROBLEMS
 Volume 57                         Number 1                           Fall  2023
       Copyright C 2023 by the Columbia Journal of Law and Social Problems, Inc.


Lethal   Paralytics   and  the  Censorship of Suffering..........................1

    Approximately two dozen states utilize a three-drug lethal injection method to execute
    condemned  persons. This protocol consists of (i) an anesthetic or sedative; (ii) a
    paralytic; and (iii) potassium chloride (which stops the heart). The purpose of the
    paralytic is purely cosmetic: it prevents witnesses from having to watch the condemned
    person convulse as they die.

    This Note argues that when a condemned person chooses to refuse a lethal paralytic,
    they are engaging in First Amendment-protected expressive speech. State regulations
    requiring the use of a paralytic warrant strict scrutiny because they (i) restrict speech
    based on subject matter; (ii) are a form of prior restraint; (iii) discriminate based on
    viewpoint; and (iv) compel speech. The state's interest in requiring the paralytic-to
    censor the violence of the condemned  person's death-is neither legitimate nor
    compelling. As such, lethal paralytic requirements fail strict scrutiny and violate the
    First Amendment.

    Part I of this Note outlines the history of capital punishment and the advent of lethal
    injection in the United States. It details the various constitutional challenges that
    have been brought to bear against lethal injection protocols generally, and the use of
    paralytics specifically. Part II examines the constitutional rights of incarcerated
    persons and considers whether an individual's decision to refuse a paralytic can be
    considered expressive speech under the Spence-Johnson test. Next, it contemplates the
    appropriate standard of review for regulations requiring the use of a paralytic. Finally,
    it examines whether lethal paralytic requirements can survive strict scrutiny or any
    lesser standard of review. Part III explores the policy implications of recognizing a
    condemned person's right to refuse lethal paralytics. Not only would acknowledging
    such a right advance the fundamental values of the First Amendment, it would also
    help to prevent needless pain and suffering.


He/She/They Say Gay: A First Amendment Framework
    for Regulating Classroom Speech on Gender and
    Sexuality..............................................................................................58

    In an era of profound polarization over the nature of gender and sexuality, and
    children's exposure to discussions thereof, states and school boards of all political
    inclinations are moving swiftly to regulate educators' speech about such topics in
    public classrooms. Liberal authorities enact pronoun policies requiring teachers to
    use transgender and non-binary students' gender-affirming names and pronouns.
    Conservative authorities, meanwhile, largely prohibit teachers from talking about
    gender and  sexuality through anti-queer curriculum (or Don't Say Gay) laws.
    Despite their opposing goals, these policies seem constitutionally indistinguishable on
    their face-both are regulations of educators' classroom speech, subject to the same
    First Amendment standards.

    This Note argues that constitutional lines can and should be drawn between these
    policies based on the effect of the regulated speech on third parties. Part I reviews the
    First Amendment  standards that could apply to pronoun policies and anti-queer
    curriculum laws. Part II argues that these types of policies regulating educators'
    classroom speech can  be distinguished from one  another using an  egalitarian
    framework, which  accounts for the impact of the regulated speech on students'
    expression and the overall expressive environment of the classroom. Though First
    Amendment   jurisprudence usually forecloses such arguments  about third-party

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