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29 Aust. & N.Z. J. Criminology 1 (1996)

handle is hein.journals/anzjc29 and id is 1 raw text is: 











Unemployment, the Underclass and Crime
                 in  Australia: A Critique*

                             Rob   Wattst

                             Introduction

The   relationship between  criminality and   economic   conditions has
preoccupied criminologists and public officials for at least the past century
(Chappell  cited in Weatherburn  1992a:1). The persistence of long-term
unemployment   into the 1990s has generated considerable scholarly research,
media  commentary  and widespread expressions of popular anxiety about the
links between crime and unemployment.  Indeed as Weatherbum  notes, 'The
existence of such a link seems to many media commentators to be so obvious
a fact as to be unworthy of scientific investigation' (Weatherburn 1992a: 1).
   It is not  only  among   the media   that this link  has assumed   a
taken-for-granted status. Senior police officials have argued that 'continued
high unemployment   would create an underclass of young people who might
turn against society' (Age, 19 June 1992, p 3). Even criminologists are not
averse to the argument. Braithwaite and Chappell, prior to the release of the
1994 White  Paper on Employment  (Working Nation), warned that Australia's
record levels of unemployment would inflate the cost of crime by leading to
the establishment of an 'underclass', and called on the Keating government to
prevent full-scale social disintegration by addressing the challenge of 'an
emergent  underclass' (Braithwaite and Chappell  1994, see  also Wilson
1988:2, Lincoln and Wilson  1994). Government  reports likewise casually
refer to the link between unemployment and crime (EPAC  1992:180). This
parallels claims about the vast array of evil consequences attendant on
unemployment,  including soaring rates of crime (Junankar and Kapuscinski
1992).
  The  pain for most of unemployment is unjustifiable even by neo-classical
economic  arguments about the need for pain before the gain. Few should
dispute the moral arguments in favour of restoring a sustainable version of full
employment.   Yet these arguments   need to  be distinguished from  the
(re)'discovery' of an 'underclass', and from claims about unemployment and
rising crime rates that have become part of an arsenal of arguments used to
advocate restoration of 'traditional' social-liberal policies to secure social
integration, social participation and effective family life (Wilson 1987;
Braithwaite 1989; Pixley 1993; Cappo and Cass 1994). For many on the left
the assumption of a causal link between crime and unemployment has become
some well-padded mental furniture into which they can sink without too much
effort. Whether it advances a left project that can work in the changed social
context of the late twentieth century is another question.

  * Received: August 28 1994; accepted in revised form: February 9 1995.
  t Principal Lecturer, Department of Social Sciences, Royal Melbourne Institute of
    Technology, PO Box 179, Coburg, Victoria, 3058.


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