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Libya and U.S. Policy


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Libya has been wracked by major conflict since April 2019,
when the Libyan National Army /Libyan Arab Armed
Forces (LNA/LAAF) movement-aco alition o f armed
groups led by Khalifa Haftar-launched a bid to seize the
capital, Tripoli, from local militias and the internationally
recognized Government of National Accord (GNA).
Fighters in wes tern Libya rallied with Turkish military
support to bluntthe LNA's advance, and Haftar's forces
withdrew from northwestern Libya in June 2020. Fighting
has continued in central Libya despite multilateral demands
for a ceasefire. LNA forces and localpartners control much
of Libya's territory andkey oilproduction and export
infrastructure, directly or through militia allies (Figure 1).
The GNA and anti-LNA groups control Tripoli and the
western coast. Southern Libya is marginalized and faces
threats fromcriminals, rival ethnic militias, and terrorists.
Conflict dynamics shifted during the conflict as Rus sian-
national Wagner Group contractors intervened onbehalfof
LNA forces, Turkey and the GNA concluded maritime and
security cooperation agreements, Turkey deployed fighters
and arms on behalf of the GNA, and outsiders shipped
weapons to both sides. U.S. officials, Russia, Egypt, and the
United Arab Emirates armthe LNA and aid its operations.
Turkey provides overt military support to anti-LNA forces.
Both sides haverecruited Syrian militias to theirranks.
State Department officials condemnedtoxic foreign
interference in March 2020, and have called fora
sovereign Libya free offoreign intervention.
Non-government conflict observers estimate that fighting
between LNA forces, GNA supporters, and anti-LNA
militias has killed more than 2,600 fighters, along with
more than 450 civilians since April. Near Tripoli, conflict
has displaced more than 200,000 people, and put more than
300,000 in frontline areas, some of which were mined by
retreating LNA forces. More than 650,000 foreign migrants
(largely from sub -Saharan Africa) also are in Libya and
remain especially vulnerable.
In 2020, multilateral diplomatic initiatives have sought to
achieve and sustain a ceasefire between Libyan combatants
(Figure 2) as aprecursorto renewed political reconciliation
efforts. Ru s sia and Turkey engineered a temporary truce in
January, but did not achieve a ceasefire. Meeting in Berlin,
Germany later in January, the five permanent members of
the U.N. Security Council along with other key foreign
actors jointly committed to supporting a series of new
arrangements aimed at durably ending the conflict. GNA
and LNA figures attended, but did not formally commit to a
ceas efire. The Security Council endorsed the Berlin
commitments in Resolution2510. The U.N. Support
Miss ion in Libya (UNSMIL) then supported intra-Libyan
security, political, and economic discussions, but COVID-
19 concerns andresumned fighting undernined progress.


Figure I. Libya: Areas of Influence
As of June 16, 2020


Source: Prepared by CRS using media and social media reporting.
Years of division and conflict have weakened the Libyan
health care system's ability to mitigate COVID-19-related
risks. In April, Acting UNSMILhead Stephanie Williams
said ongoing fighting was reckless andinhumane,
saying it was stretchingthe capacity oflocal authorities
and the health infras tructure that is already decimated.
U.S. and U.N. officials have condemned post-Berlin
weapons shipments to Libya as violations of the U.N. arms
embargo and called for ahumanitarian ceasefire to allow
the country to combat the spread of COVID-19, which, to
date, appears to be limited. Following its retreat, the LNA
proposed a ceasefire andreengaged in U.N.-sponsored
talks. Rus sia, Turkey, and Egypt also have reengaged
Libyan figures. Amid some continued fighting,
humanitarian access is restricted. Oilproduction also
remains disrupted, which threatens state finances.

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Libya's political transition has been disruptedby armed
non-s tate groups and threatenedby theindecision and
infighting ofinterimleaders for years. After an armed
uprising endedthe40-plus-yearrule ofMuammar al
Qadhafi in 2011, interim authorities proved unable to form
a stable government, address pressing security is sues,
reshapethe country's public finances, or create a viable
framework for post-conflict reconciliation. Insecurity
spread as local armed groups competed for influence and


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Updated June 16,2020

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