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Russian Private Military Companies (PMCs)


Over the last decade, Russian private military companies
(PMCs) have appeared globally in various conflicts.
Observers believe theRussiangovernment is increasingly
using PMCs to project power cheaply and deniably.
Russian PMCs often operate alongside local militias,
volunteers, criminal groups, and other non-state actors. In
many cases, such PMCs appear closely connected to and
controlled by the Russian government; in other cases, the
extent of government controlis uncertain. Members of
Congress may be interestedin examining the scope of
Russian PMC operations to understand the fullrange of
Russian tactics and operations when evaluating Russia's
efforts to advance its foreign policy.


During the 1990s, Rus sia experienced an increase in
internal demand for security services, which resulted in the
growth of a large domestic private protection industry. The
fall of the USSR left many former soldiers, members of
elite special forces, andintelligence professionals jobless;
many of these former soldiers formed as sociations with
veterans of their old units and created new private security
companies. Gradually, these firms and as sociations began
to look internationally forbusiness but were met with stiff
competition fromWestern private security companies.
Additionally, a 1996 law forbade Russian citizens from
participating in armed conflict abroadforfmancialgain.
PMCs ostensibly remain illegal under Ru s sian law, despite
several attempts to passlegislation that would give them
legal status. Observers suggest this may be dueto
opposition fromthe official security services and sections
of the military, which seekto ensure Russians ecurity
agencies retain control over theseprivate actors and manage
competition fromthem.


By 2010, several internationally focused, operational
Russian private security companies, primarily run by
former military and security service officers, appeared to
have close connections with the Ministry of Defense.
Initially, these companies offered traditional training and
protection services for private firms, including anti-piracy
services. Often these groups worked for, orhad connections
to, Russian state-run oil and gas co mpanies. Gradually, new
companies were formed that emphasized combatservices,
which included not only training and coordinating local
forces but also participating in direct combat. This combat-
oriented focus constitutes a main difference between
Russian PMCs andWestern security contractors, which
tend to focus onlogistics and support.

The type, extent, and competency of Rus sian PMCs appear
to vary widely both across and within conflicts. Information
on these groups and their activities is often imprecise. Sonr


personnel are highly experienced and trained ex-members
ofRus sia's elite forces orintelligence services. Others
appear to be less qualified or trained and reportedly are paid
significantly less. Analysts have reported instances of
qualified, experienced Russian PMC personnel being used
for specific operations and then gradually replaced by less
competent personnel.

Multiple Russian PMCs are registered both domestically
and internationally, including in Cyprus and Hong Kong.
Often companies are dissolved and reconstituted under new
management and names, often to obscure their true
ownership. The most well-known PMC is the Wagner
Group (and entities related to it), allegedly financed and
operated by wealthy s tate-connected businessman Yevgeny
Prighozin (through his holding company, Concord
Management and Consulting). The U.S. govenment has
imposed sanctions on Prigozhin, the Wagner Group, and/or
related individuals andentities for actions tied to Russia's
invasion of Ukraine, U.S. election interference, and support
to the forner governmentofSudan.

Mediareporting suggests the Wagner Group and its related
entities maintain close connections to Russia's military
intelligence agency (GU). Reporting alsohas identified
Wagner training camps close to the b ases ofRu s sian
spetsnaz(special forces) brigades. Other firms appear to
have close connections to Rus sia's Ministry ofDefense and
other state security services. In some cases, tensions
between PMC outfits and their security service or military
patrons reportedly have resulted in infighting and arrests.

A defining feature of Rus sian PMCs is the blending of
private and Russian state interests. For example, the U.S.
Treasury Department identifies the Wagner Group as a
designated Russian Ministry of Defence proxy force
despite it allegedly being operated by a private citizen.

The Rus s ian govenment initially us ed PMCs extensively
during its invasion of Ukraine and its intervention in Syria.
As the role of PMCs increased, the political and economic
power of their owners also increased. Over time, and as the
Russian government's needs changed, Russian PMCs
apparently began to pursue more commercially beneficial
opportunities les s directly connected to Russian foreign
policy objectives. Some analysts argue that, in some cases,
PMC owner/operators are pursuing financialopportunities
in exchange for carrying out Russian statedirectives.
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The rise ofRus sian PMCs coincided with developments in
Russian military doctrine and strategy concerning theuse
and role of non-state actors in conflict. According to the
U.S. Treasury Department, Russia relies on a highly


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September 16, 2020

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