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Updated September 21, 2020


Libya and U.S. Policy


Major conflict erupted in Libya in April 2019, when the
Libyan National Army/Libyan Arab Armed Forces
(LNA/LAAF) movement a coalition of armed groups led
by Khalifa Haftar-launched a bid to seize the capital,
Tripoli, from militias and the internationally recognized
Government of National Accord (GNA).
Fighters in western Libya rallied with Turkish military
support to blunt the LNA's advance, and Haftar's forces
withdrew from northwestern Libya in June 2020. The LNA
and its local partners control much of Libya's territory and
key oil production and export infrastructure (Figure 1). The
GNA and anti-LNA groups control Tripoli and the western
coast and seek to assert control over the entire country.
Southern Libya is marginalized and faces threats from
criminals, rival ethnic militias, and terrorists. The U.S.
government has supported a ceasefire, while rival coalitions
(Figure 2) have prepared to fight and restarted negotiations.
Conflict dynamics shifted in 2019 and early 2020 as
Russian-national Wagner Group contractors intervened on
behalf of the LNA, Turkey and the GNA concluded
maritime and security cooperation agreements, Turkey
deployed fighters and arms on behalf of the GNA, and
outsiders shipped weapons to both sides. According to U.S.
officials, Russia, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates arm
the LNA and aid its operations. Turkey provides overt
military support to anti-LNA forces. Both sides have
recruited and deployed Syrian militias. Egypt has prepared
to intervene militarily if GNA and Turkish forces advance
further east; GNA and Turkish forces have sought to
control all of Libya and demanded that LNA forces
withdraw beyond the oil crescent east of Sirte.
Nongovernment conflict observers estimate that fighting
between LNA forces, GNA supporters, and anti-LNA
militias has killed more than 2,400 fighters, along with
more than 430 civilians since April 2019. More than
425,000 Libyans are internally displaced, and mines left by
retreating LNA forces have complicated the return of
displaced civilians in western Libya. More than 650,000
foreign migrants (largely from sub-Saharan Africa) also are
in Libya and remain especially vulnerable.
In 2020, multilateral diplomatic initiatives have sought to
achieve and sustain a ceasefire as a precursor to renewed
political reconciliation efforts. Meeting in Berlin, Germany
in January, the five permanent members of the U.N.
Security Council and other key foreign actors jointly
committed to new arrangements aimed at permanently
ending the conflict. GNA and LNA figures attended, but
did not commit to a ceasefire. The Security Council
endorsed the Berlin arrangements in Resolution 2510. The
U.N. Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) then supported
security, political, and economic discussions, but pandemic
concerns and renewed fighting undermined progress.


Figure I. Libya: Areas of Influence
As of September 2020


Source: Prepared by CRS using media and social media reporting.
Years of division and conflict have weakened the health
care system's ability to mitigate risks from the Coronavirus
Disease 2019 (COVID-19). Acting UNSMIL head
Stephanie Williams has called fragmented governance a
serious obstacle to the COVID-19 response, and said in
August that humanitarian access remains restricted.
U.S. and U.N. officials have condemned persistent post-
Berlin weapons shipments to Libya as violations of the
U.N. arms embargo and called for a humanitarian ceasefire
to allow the country to combat the spread of COVID-19. In
August and September 2020, some GNA officials and their
rivals in the House of Representatives (HOR) and interim
government each proposed different arrangements for a
ceasefire and, conditionally, to allow oil exports to resume.
Both sides were positioned to resume fighting if necessary.


Libya's political transition has been disrupted by armed
nonstate groups and threatened by the indecision and
infighting of interim leaders for years. After an armed
uprising ended the 40-plus-year rule of Muammar al
Qadhafi in 2011, interim authorities proved unable to form
a stable government, address security issues, reshape the
country's finances, or create a viable framework for post-
conflict reconciliation. Insecurity spread as local armed
groups competed for influence and resources.

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