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![handle is hein.cow/unionbell0001 and id is 1 raw text is: THE
UNION
THE UNION, THE CONSTITUTION, AND THE ENFORCEMENT OF THE LAWS.
NO. 2.-FOR THE CAMPAIGN. BUFFALO, AUGUST 31, 1860. PUBLISHED BY G. REESE.
Conservative National Union
NOMINATIONS.
FOR PRESIDENT:
cWOmq BELmLa,
OF TENNESSEE.
FOR VICE PRESIDRS IN*
EDWARD EVEIRETT,
OF MASSACHUSETTS.
ELECTORS AT LARGg:
EITBEN H. WALWORTH, of Saratoga.
REMAN J. REDFIELD, of Genesce.
DISTRICT ELECTORS.
..l-4eiah B. Strong;
2-Chales H. Co1i ,
3-Francis R. Tilnon,
4-Elijah F. Purdy,
&-Oswald Ottendorfer,
e-.memDePeyster Ogden
7--Bames Robinson,
S-John Anderpon,
9.-Edward Haigh%,
1O-Dan!el B. Si. John,
m1 -isha B. Strong,
22-WillilawKent,
13.--artin Springer,
14-James Kidd;
15-7saiah Blood,
10-Hen- B. Ross
17-David C. Judson,
G -Chns. Goodyear,
19-Gee. C. Cil d,
20-Edwad Huntington,
21-Ambrose 3. IIgine,
2--Llu B.erne cer*
25-Edwin M. a on,
25-James 14. Puiver.
27-Miles Finch,
28-Charles H. Carrol,
29-Addisoa Grdne;,
50-John B. Skioner,
81-Lorenzo Burrow,,
32-Wiuelin I.liam,,
33--Siephen D1. Caidwel.
.Address of the Union Electoral
Committee to the Union Men of
New York.
The undersigned, a Committee appointed by
the Convention held at I1tica. on th- 19th h
of July las, with authority to iorm an Elec.-
toral Ticket, in such manner as they deem best
calculated to unite National Union men of ev-
ery name and designation, andpromotetheelec -
tion of John Bell and EdwardEverett, having,
according to their best judgment, discharged the
trust confided to them, herewith report the m
salt of their labors, together with the reasons
on which the same is founded.
In doing this it will be convenient briefly to
refer to the present divisions of parties and to
the principles upon which such divisions are
founded.
The issues that formerly divided parties seem
to have become entirely obsolete. There is no
longer any partisan controversy upon the sub-
ject of a nat'onal bank, internal improvements,
the acquisition of territory, or a protective
tariff Some of these questions indeed survive,
but they survive as differences between indivi-.
duals, and no longer indicate the boundaries of
parties. One only question, the question of,
Slavery, agitates the American people, and liesI
at the foundation of all our party divisions.-,
And even upon this subject the controvery is
mainly restricted to a single phnase of the.ques-
tion. It is universally admitted that there is
no power in the General Government to legis-I
late upon the subject of Slavery in the States4
of the Union, whether to establish or abolish,
or regulate, or interfere with it in any manner
whatsoever. Upon this whole subject the1
States, confessedly and beyond controversy, are
sovereign. But the question that disturbs the
harmony, and threatens the existence of theI
Union, is the less important one of slavery in(
those territorial possessions which are not yet
sufficiently populous to be admitted as StatesI
into the Union. and over which Congress is
vested with general legislative powers. What
shall be the condition of those Territories andI
who shall determine it? 'That is the questionI
upon which the whole controversy hinges. And
hence have arisen the sectional hatreds, the vio-I
lknce of mobs, the disruption of religious so-4
cieties and of parties, and the schemes of dis-
union that threaten the sxistence of our fabricI
of free government The opening of that ques-
tion was, as has happily been said, the opening
of Pandora's box; to close it, is to close theI
only serious controversy that disturbs the peaceI
of the Union.,
Upon this -question, so fruitfl of evil, we probably owing in great part to an aversion to mode provided by the wisdom of the framers
have no less than four parties, all of which pro- the adoption of any platform, and partly, per- of the Constilidtion, when the people fail to
pose difrerent remedies and modes of settle- haps, to an unwillingness to shut out any really makt a choice.
ouret. Union man, whether from the North or the Ba let us consider what is the evil, and
We have a Northern sectional party that ]South, who, while not asing intervention, whereim, it onsists, of an election of a Prepi-
demands that Congress shall prohibit slaver iught be unwilling to abandon the claim, un- dent by the House of Representatives. In all
in all the territories of the United States. ,der circumstances that may possibly arise here- human insdtitution. in all olitic...netion a do.
A Southeri sectional party that denmand. after. gree of evil is unavoi ly mixed. it is an
that Congress shall uphold slavery in all thb. While, then, the Union men, or many of thein, evil, and a thing to beregrettedhat a majority
territories of the United States. tare separated from the National Democracy by of the 1wople, cannot agree that any one man
A party that demands that Congress shaPq the recollections of the past, they are drawn to. shall be President. But what is the remedy for
not interfere with slavery in the territories ati ward them by the sympathies of the present that evil? The remedy that the Constitution
all, but that the people of the territories shall We are alike, whether Uhionists or National points out is, that the election in such case shall
determine the question themselves. [Democrats, attached to the Union, faithful to ibe devolved upn.the House of Representa.
And lastly, we have a party established for the Constitution, obedient to the laws, opposed tives, and that. nmajority of the States shall
the very purpose of crushing agitation and re- to sectionalism in all its fornis, and in favor of choose the President The remedy that the Re-
storing harmony, and which, in the mode by non-intervention upon the subject of slavery. publicans propose is, that the voters shallivote,
which it seeks to accomplish this object, diffelrl.And what serves to draw us yet closer together not according to their preferences and judgment
materially from all the other parties. This we are hated and reviled by ?J1 the abolitionists, but according to the apparent chances of sac-
Union party has laid down no platform and Ce- nullifiers, disunionists and sectional demagogues cess of one of the candidates; thus leaving a
tablished no test, other than are contained in that afflict the land. calculation of chances and not reason to deter-
the solemn declaration of its attachments to the It was doubtless the perception of this fact mine the result This would be to let a minor-
Union, fidelity to the Constitution, and obedi- that induced the UticaConvention, to restlarge ity of the people choose a President obnoxious
once to the laws. Platforms upon the subject discretionary powers in your Committce, with to the majority, in order to prevent a constitu-
of slavery are of modern origin, and experi- respect to the fornation of an electoral ticket; tional choice by the representatives of the peo-
ence shows, that instead of settling disputes and as wellthe language of the resolution coii- ple. We, on the contrary, believe that the bal-
their tendency is to engender and inerease them ferring such powers as the speeches of the mei- lot ought to represent the opinion of the voter;
Our fathers tolerated, without attempting to bers who sipported it, and the-nnaniiiious cnd that reason, and not fortune, should govern the
smother or disguise, the natural and almost n- enthusiastic applause which those speeches drew popular choice; that the ballot box,. and not
avoidable differences that exist between Nortl- forth, show that the Convention contemplated the dice box, is the proper emblem of popular
em and Southern men upon this question. To a union of the forces of the Unionists with the sovereignty.
that old and approved pratice the Union party forces of the National ]Democrats; a UxtoN or nBut admitting the evils of an election of a
has returned. UNtON MEN to put down sectionalisn. Acting President by the House of Representatives, to
It is easily seen from the above sketch o:'upon this understanding, and being met by the beas great as is contended, they yet bear no
parties, that between the two first named there) National Democrats, in a like liberal and con- comparison to the evils of an clectiop of a Pree-
ias an irreconcivable differnee; that they are in- I eliatory spirit, we have placed upon our ticket ident, by a vote that is purely setional, and
tail the oprno've- of each other; - but that be. in conjunction with electors who support our against the sentimeptof an nimensenajority of
tween the tvo others, namely, the National De- nominees, the names of a number of the sup-. the people.
mocracy and the Union party that supports porters of Mr. )ouglas; and the )emocratic If Mr. Lincoln should be chosen President,
Bell and Everett, there is no such difference, Convention having selected theesame ticket, thus allowing him to divide equally the Northern
but, on the contrary, if riot an identity, yet a placing in nomination a number of the well votes, which, with four candidates running, is
great similarity of principle, and many points known supporters of iell and Everett, we can more than he could do, there would still be
of sympathy and attraction. They both stand now proclaim that the friends of the Union in against him the unbroken South, comprising
between two extremes. There are no Aboli- the npire State are thorougldy and cordial- not less than one million of voters, even after
tionists or disunionists to be found in the ranks ly united upoan a single Electoral Ticket, we have deducted the Germans of St Louis and
of either; no Yanceys or Keitts, or Sumners, We hare endeavored to show, in the preced- a few scattering voters, mainly of Northern ori-
or Lovejoys amnong the National Democrats ing remarks, that no principle forbids this un- gin, in the border States. A sectional Presi-
and the Bell Unionists. There are doubtless ion; the reasons of expediency that recommend dent, elected by a minaity of one million of the
differences of opinion upon questions uncon- it are very obvious. pe , is an anomalythat our fathers never con-
nected with slavery; but these are mostly ques- 'We are not numerous enough to give the templatedl
tions of.the past, and, if otherwise,they are un- whole electoral vote of the State to Bell and This is not all, the Republiean Party is
important when compared with the great and Everett. Whatever votes we may obtain by something more and worse than a mere ace-
urgent issues upon which the Union hangs.- union are so many votes gained to our candi- tional party. The principle upon whiclmr.
The only present point of difference, that can date. But this is not all the gain; every elec- Lincoln was nominated is one that entirely ex-
be regarded as material, relates to what is com- toral vote given to Douglas also ensures to their eludes the great mass of the citizens of the
monly called squatter or opular sovereignty, benefit in the present aspect of the contest, it Southern States from offimce. No one, upon
But this is, after all, ale or judicial, and not is undeniable that Mr. Lincoln is the candidate the platform of that party can be presented as
a political question.Wh r the people of an who has the best chance of success but by a as candidate for popular suffrage, unless he is.
organized Territory have or have not any in- sectional vote. If the vote of New York is wholly opposed to slavery. Our Union is, and
herent authority, independent of the will of taken from him his defeat is certain. Bell, always has been, a Union of slave-holding and
Congress, is a question that the Judiciary only Douglas and Lincoln will, in that case, proba- non-slaveholding States. In fifteen States of
can determine. The political question is, not bly be returned to the House, and Hailin and the Union slavery exists by virtue of the fun-
what powers, if any, the people of a iTerritory Everett to the Senate. It is our firm belief that damental laws of those States. Any citizen of
may exercise against the will or without the nu- i that event, John Bell, or if not J ohn Bell, a slaveholding State, who upholds the consti-
thority of Congress, but what powers they tnen, certainly, Edward Everett, will be Presi- tutional %eatures of its institutiois, is, by the
ought to be permitted to exercise, admitting the dent of the United States. We frankly de- Republican platform, inel gible to.any office;
whole power to be in Congress; or, in other clare that this is our first object, the end at certainly to ally one who depends on popular
words, whether Congress ought to legislate for which we aim, and to attain which, we adopt suffrage, and according to the practice of par-
them, or permit them to legislate for themselves what appear to us the most practical and effec- ties, from any office whatever. Thus it appears,
upon slavery, as well as all other domestic ques tive means. But we declare, with the same that the Republican Party is, substantially an
tions. Upon this question, the question of Non- frankness, that if in this, our first wish, we shall organization to exclude the citizens of the
Intervention, there is probably a very general be disappointed, if Douglas and not Bell shall Southern States from all share in the govern.
concurrence between the National Demnocrati become President, we will welcome that result ment of our common country. This principle,
and the supporters of Mr. Bell. Non-Interve- as greatly' preferable to the success of sectional and it is a fundamental principle of the Repub-
tion was the doctrine of Clay and Webster: it candidates. lican party, a party that we are told is intended
is the doctrine upon which the compromise It is said that this plan involves an election to be a permanent, or at least to last as long as
measures of 18-50 are founded; it is a doctrine by the House of Representatives, and that that slavery lasts, is a palpable violation of the
to which the Whig Party pledged itself in its is a great evil. But if so, it is an evil for which spirit of the constitution, and if persisted in
last National Convention, and to which the we are no more responsible than the supporters must, in the event of the permanent success of
American Party pledged itself by the resolu- of the other candidates. If we can prevent that party, inevitably cause a dissolution of the
tions adopted by the Convention that nominat- that evil by voting for Mr. Lincoln, the support- Union.
ed Fillmore and Donnelson. We suppose there era of Mr. Lincoln have it equally in their pow- It was never contemplated by the framers of
is hardly a single follower of Mr. Bell, either in er to prevent it by voting for Mr. Bell. Why the constitution that the pople of nearly half
the North or in the South, who is in favor of should we, more than they, abandon the candi- the states should be denied all voice in the
present intervention either for or against slave- date of our choice? We do not seek to throw government, and that a majority of the states
ry; though there are doubtless many who main- the election into the House; we seek to elect should conspire together to use the patronage
tain the constitutional power to intervene. If Bell and Everett by the people; but we con- and power of the general rnment to force a
the doctrine of non-intervention was not adop- gratulate ourselves upon the fact, that if unable minority of the states to obangetheir domestics
ted by the National Union Convention, it was to do so, we shall stil probably succeed in the institutions. The Republicans disavow all -
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