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519 Annals Am. Acad. Pol. & Soc. Sci. 9 (1992)

handle is hein.cow/anamacp0519 and id is 1 raw text is: PREFACE This volume of The Annals focuses on China's foreign relations since the Beijing massacre of 4 June 1989. I use the term foreign relations rather than foreign policy deliberately. The basic contours of Beijing's foreign policy have not changed from its pre-Tiananmen outline, but China's foreign rela- tions are substantially different in several areas, most notably with the United States. When the People's Liberation Army killed and wounded unarmed demonstrators and innocent bystanders by the hundreds, if not thousands, the regime's status dropped dramatically in Washington, London, and Paris, not to mention with the World Bank and other sources of capital, both governmental and private. To be sure, much of the initial anger abroad and the reactive backlash in Beijing aroused by that anger have subsided. Loans suspended in the first year after the event were resumed in the second. Exchanges of state visits, never halted by any in the Third World, resumed piecemeal for most of the industrial world. Japan, which had spoken most softly among the critics, led the renormalization of relations. Beijing's artful manipulation of its Secu- rity Council vote during the successive U.N. resolutions condemning Iraq's invasion of Kuwait won a White House invitation for Foreign Minister Qian Qichen and President George Bush's renewal of most-favored-nation trade privileges. Nevertheless the tenor of discourse between China and much of the international community had changed, as several of the articles in this volume testify. Most notably, the American mood manifested another of the swings in the love-hate syndrome that has characterized this relationship throughout its history. The cumulative agenda of issues, some long-standing, some recent, captured the attention of Congress and columnists. Their criticisms, in turn, sparked assertively nationalistic rebuttals in the Chinese media and from the leadership itself. Reference to the leadership requires a small caveat. Use of the term China and the regime in this volume does not connote a single- minded set of decision makers, much less a one-person dictatorship under Deng Xiaoping. All foreign observers and most Chinese speaking unofficially agree that the leadership has been seriously divided over both domestic and foreign policy for several years. Analysts argue whether it is polarized into two groups or coalitions of various factions and whether the labels conser- vatives and reformers are appropriate. But a consensus holds that policy differences and personal power struggles underlie the monolithic image connoted by the terms China and Beijing. That fact notwithstanding, for 9

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