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385 Annals Am. Acad. Pol. & Soc. Sci. ix (1969)

handle is hein.cow/anamacp0385 and id is 1 raw text is: FOREWORD On August 20, 1964, Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Economic Opportunity Act, declaring that its passage was a commitment of a great nation .. . to eradicate poverty among its people. Thus began the much heralded war on poverty. History has already shown that the title war on poverty, originated in the 1960's, was a misnomer; the program was an attempt to supplement existing programs rather than to alter fundamentally the status and economic position of the poor in our society. The package of programs developed in the 1960's favored the young poor and excluded income-maintenance provisions or health care. It should further be noted that these programs were not the historical beginning of an attempt to alleviate and reduce poverty. Such attempts originated in the post-Civil War period and were further developed by the New Deal administrators of the 1930's. The war on poverty was formulated against a background of exist- ing welfare legislation valued in the billions, including services and cash benefits for veterans and for unemployed, disabled, or retired citizens. The war on poverty embodied a number of new intellectual propositions, and, in the long run, these may prove to be more significant than the programs and services that were developed. An adequate assessment of this program must devote some attention to both the intellectual propositions and the packages of programs that were the reference points for the alleviation and reduction of poverty in the 1960's. A further consideration is the need to analyze the evalua- tion process as it applies to antipoverty efforts during the current decade. This volume was developed with these goals in mind. The foremost intellectual proposition in the war on poverty was creative federalism. Lyndon Johnson considered a direct partnership between federal and local government to be the cornerstone of the antipoverty effort. Roger H. Davidson analyzes this proposition and discusses how it has fared since the program began. A second proposition postulated the maximum feasible participation of the poor. The underdogs were viewed not only as objects of change, but also as agents of change with a voice in the decisions to be made. Lillian Rubin assesses the fate of this proposition. The third proposition asserted the need for a central community-action agent to co-ordinate, as well as to centralize, resources at the local, community level. Sanford Kravitz and Ferne Kolodner examine the role of this community-action concept. A fourth proposition stated the need for co-ordination of programs at both the local and the federal level. James L. Sundquist describes various attempts to co-ordinate antipoverty programs. In successive articles, Garth L. Mangum and Sar A. Levitan delineate two principal sets of antipoverty programs: manpower and community action. Michael Aiken analyzes the conditions under which various types of community power structures respond to federally funded programs. The not-too-surprising fact is that the degree of mobilization of local community resources varies widely in antipoverty programs. ix

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