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248 Annals Am. Acad. Pol. & Soc. Sci. vii (1946)

handle is hein.cow/anamacp0248 and id is 1 raw text is: FOREWORD

THE American labox movement within
the past fifteen years has telescoped, if
not surpassed, an evolution which had
been expected to take a half-century or
more. In 1932 the La Guardia Anti-
Injunction Act reversed the position of
unionism at court from that of a victim
of judicial processes to one of increas-
ing immunity from them. In 1935 the
National Labor Relations Act outlawed
the age-old forms of opposition to la-
bor organization practiced by employ-
ers, and placed upon them the further
obligation of dealing affirmatively with
any union representing the choice of the
majority. Other Federal statutes and
parallel measures in some of the states
extended the arm of the, law to areas
and employments not otherwise covered.
Especially important was the unques-
tionably friendly attitude shown by the
agencies of enforcement and interpreta-
tion. For example, during the last two
years of its existence the National War
Labor Board granted a modified form
of the closed shop in practically all of
its decisions. The Supreme Court, hith-
erto a bugaboo of labor legislation and
once anathema among unions, over-
turned hoary precedents and doctrines
by surprisingly broad interpretations of
the new laws. Thus rejuvenated, or-
ganized labor surged forward. While
in 1932 it had numbered less than three
million members-many of these hold-
ing cards but not working under labor
agreements-by 1946 it had acquired
over fifteen million members, had estab-
lished collective bargaining as the pre-
vailing pattern of American industry,
and had shown notable evidences of
permanence and strength.
Unfortunately, this advance has been
accompanied by disturbances in labor
relations which at times have assumed
an alarming character. Strikes under-

taken on a coast-wide, industry-wide, or
nation-wide scale on several recent oc-
casions have well-nigh paralyzed our
economic life. Such developments have
shocked, perplexed, and bewildered the
average citizen. For public support of
collective bargaining has been founded
not on mere partiality for unions but on
the belief that unionism is good for so-
ciety as a whole; that the special place
given to organized labor in the law
would release for constructive activity
energies previously forced into belliger-
ent channels; that it would result in a
more stable, productive, and prosperous
economy; and that it would promote a
more democratic and satisfying way of
life for all.
Citizens all over the land know that
it takes two to make a quarrel, and they
are therefore haunted by troubling ques-
tions such as these: Is the employer or
labor principally at fault? Are present
ills merely the temporary difficulties of
postwar readjustment? Will the con-
tinuance of demands for higher wages
and shorter hours, and an increasing
resort to strikes, merely bring about
inflation and then another depression?
Are all these manifestations mere grow-
ing pains which will disappear as em-
ployers and unions attain maturity in
their relationships? Should the situa-
tion be left to its own natural outcome,
or, should it be dealt with by new legis-
lation and new administrative controls?
Informed and thoughtful views on
such questions are offered by the distin-
guished contributors to this symposium.
Though differing in many particulars,
they have in common a deep interest in
maintaining for labor an important and
protected status consistent with demo-
cratic government. Some of these con-
tributors believe that further govern-
ment intervention and control would be

vii

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