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1 Michael German & Sara Robinson, Wrong Priorities on Fighting Terrorism 1 (2018)

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Wrong Priorities on



Fighting Terrorism


By Michael German and Sara Robinson




Introduction


After the al Qaeda attacks of September 11, 2001, the
U.S. Department of Justice named terrorism prevention
its number-one mission.) But it does not treat all terror-
ism with the same urgency. For many Americans, this
disparity became evident when Dylann Roof assassinated
Reverend Clementa Pickney and eight members of his
Mother Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in
Charleston, South Carolina, in June 2015.

In interviews, then-FBI Director James Comey refused
to call the attack an act of terrorism, aggravating long-
standing complaints that the Justice Department did not
view domestic terrorism involving racist, Islamophobic,
anti-Semitic, homophobic, and anti-immigrant violence
from the far right as a national security problem on par
with terrorist acts committed by Muslims.2

These concerns grew more pronounced as Donald
Trump's bigoted campaign rhetoric inspired rallies around
the country in which neo-Nazis, white nationalists,
proto-fascists, and far-right militias openly engaged in
violence. This included beatings, stabbings, and shootings
of counter-protesters and journalists, with little interfer-
ence from law enforcement at the time and just a handful
of belated federal prosecutions.'

Many in federal law enforcement blamed their inade-
quate response to rising far-right violence on a lack of


statutory authority to prosecute white supremacists and
others as domestic terrorists. As a result, Justice Depart-
ment officials have called for a new statute that would
create a domestic terrorism offense, perhaps modeled
on the international terrorism statutory regime. But this
approach is misguided.

This is the first in a series of white papers exploring the
federal government's problematic responses and non-
responses to domestic terrorism. In this paper, we show
that existing statutes have long provided substantial
authority for the federal government to investigate and
prosecute acts of domestic terrorism.

One of the co-authors of this paper has personal ex-
perience investigating violent white supremacists and
anti-government militia members as an FBI undercover
agent in the 1990s. That work demonstrates that tradi-
tional law enforcement tools provide ample authority to
proactively prevent acts of domestic terrorism through
criminal investigation and prosecution.

Data produced by the federal government, supplemented
with research from academic institutions and advocacy or-
ganizations, shows that far-right violence, sometimes cate-
gorized as hate crimes or civil rights violations, is severely
under-addressed as a matter of Justice Department policy
and practice, rather than a lack of statutory authority.


COMBATING DOMESTIC TERRORISM I I

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