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1 Brennan Center Analysis of Minor Party Cost to Public Financing Programs 1 (2020)

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BRENNAN

CENTER






           January 15, 2020
           Brennan Center Analysis of Minor Party Cost to Public Financing Programs

           The New York Public Campaign Financing Commission last year designed a solid and, in important ways,
           innovative program of small donor public financing that will enable competitive candidates to fund their
           campaigns mostly on small donations from constituents.' It is the most powerful response by any state
           after Citizens United to the rising influence of private wealth in politics.2 This achievement was historic in
           a state where huge donors and associated corruption have dominated politics for decades.3


           But the commission tarnished that result when it also significantly raised ballot access requirements for
           minor party and independent candidates, asserting with no evidence that tougher ballot access was
           important to save public financing costs.4 Governor Cuomo and other leaders echoed the commission's
           assertions and allowed its recommended bill to become law.'


           Nothing in the experience of longstanding public financing programs provides a reasonable basis for this
           belief. Two places with the nation's most well-established programs also, like New York State, maintain
           the rare policy of allowing losers of major party primaries to run in the general election on a third line,
           generating significant numbers of minor party candidacies.6 Contrary to the commission's assumptions,
           though, New York City and Connecticut have seen only de minimis public financing costs from minor
           party candidates. The one anecdote Commissioner Jay Jacobs discussed to explain his fear of out-of-
           control participation in public financing - the 2019 special election for New York City public advocate -
           occurred under city rules that are irrelevant to the state and was not a product of minor party access to
           the ballot. The evidence from existing systems reinforces the Campaign Finance Institute's data-based
           estimate that minor party candidates would, under the state's pre-2020 ballot access rules, cost little or
           nothing beyond what is already estimated to be a $76 million annual cost (including administration) for
           the new public financing program, well within its $100 million annual budget.7


           The governor and legislature should act to preserve their accomplishment of an innovative public
           financing program and the national praise and imitation it deserves. They should amend the law to
           remove the commission's ballot access restrictions and clearly detangle public financing from them.
           Those restrictions are unjustified by evidence and only run counter to the democracy-enhancing
           benefits of public financing.


           This analysis shows the following findings:
           1) Minor party candidates have generated minimal public financing costs, even when significant
               numbers ran for office.
               - New York City's experience is particularly instructive. The city sees high rates of minor party
                   candidacies, significantly higher than in New York State. It has offered multiple match public


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