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1 Future of Democracy in the United States 1935

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Preprinted from The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science.
                          Philadelphia, July, 1935.

   The Future of Democracy in the United States

                       By  IRA JEWELL  WILLAMs


   . . . on the purpose of the institution of
free government, and the ends to be served by
it.  These are: first, to protect the people
against their rulers; secondly, to protect them
against the transient impressions into which
they themselves may be led.
                    -James  Madison

 T   HE   previous speakers have   an-
     nounced findings that the Cauca-
 sian is a failure and  civilization's
 played out,  have asserted that  de-
 mocracy  is dead, and have entered a
 final decree  of  dissolution. The
 speaker  who  so  ably  depicted the
 glories of fascism, deplores possible
 bloodshed  in fighting for the  lost
 cause of democracy.'
   But some of us cannot conceive that
democracy   is a lost cause, or even a
forlorn hope.   We  believe that de-
mocracy  is the best hope of mankind,
and  that liberty is beyond price. And
we  shall never leave  off fighting for
them.
   To the realist and the conservative,
who  would  think and plan within the
limits of  the  possible, the fascist's
Utopia  and the socialist's Utopia are at
best barren hells built upon the delu-
sion that  people can  never learn to
think and act for themselves, but prefer
to  be ruled  by politicians. Fascism
and  socialism alike enthrone the state
and  the politician, and by  the ignis
fatuus of  promised  material security
would  lead mankind  into the morasses
of  despotism.  He   who  would   ex-
change liberty for security is worthy of
neither liberty nor security.
  We   democrats   hold  that  neither
fascism nor  socialism can ever  truly
succeed;  that  they  must   maintain
  1Lawrence Dennis, Fascism in America,
in this volume.
                                      1


themselves  with the aid of a myth  of
supermen;  and that both of them breed
not supermen  but super-politicians.
   We  believe that American constitu-
tional representative government  is a
working  ideal.  It attempts to avoid
the very evil advocated by fascism and
socialism-an  excess of government. It
tries to clip the wings of politicians by a
division of the powers of government
and  by  setting rigid limitations upon
governmental   aggressions  upon  the
rights of the individual.
   Many  think that, like Christianity,
American   constitutional government
has  not had a  fair trial. But to the
extent to which  the Constitution has
been  obeyed  and  sustained and  the
hand  of the politician and the dema-
gogue  stayed, we have come  closer to
the   Madisonian   objectives of  the
safety, liberty and happiness of the
community    than   all the  Stalins,
Hitlers, or Mussolinis can ever bring us.
And  under  that Constitution we have
been, and yet may be, the freest people
on the face of the earth.

            THE  PROBLEM
   The future of democracy  in Amer-
ica  implies a past and  imposes  an
obligation to foretell the future. This
in turn requires some estimate of just
what  it is that the human animal tends
to desire. Nearly every one will agree
that:
   1. Life means exercising one's facul-
ties. It means being born, growing up,
wdrking,  loving, playing, getting old,
and dying.
  2. No  society whose actual working
out is such that the exercise of human
functions is denied to large groups can
long retain its hold on its members.

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