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1 1 (February 2017)

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Key  Points

  *  Authoritarian regimes are proving increasingly adept at fragmenting and controlling the
     internet for purposes of censorship, surveillance, and internal and external propaganda
     and misinformation. The US has failed to counter this with an effective national security
     strategy that gives US public diplomacy the capabilities and missions needed for success
     in the information war.
  *  Instead of focusing on producing original content, US public diplomacy and international
     broadcasting should embrace a 21st-century, multimedia, public broadcasting model
     to promote American values and truthful information in cyberspace.
  *  The US should also strengthen and use existing tools of US diplomacy to advance freedom
     online as a universal (and universally accessible) human right, such as the multistakeholder
     internet governance forums, the Freedom Online Coalition, the National Endowment
     for Democracy, and State Department reports on internet freedom.


After a decade in which the explosive growth of
the internet brought greater freedom, knowledge,
community,  and opportunity to billions of people
worldwide, the pendulum  is swinging back.
Authoritarian regimes have learned to use the
internet as an instrument of control at home and
for propaganda-and  political disruption-abroad.
Such regimes are reshaping the norms of the internet
in ways detrimental to US interests and values.
   Meanwhile, the US has failed to respond
effectively. The outgoing administration leaves
behind little coherent strategy for advancing
American  values and interests in cyberspace.
America's public-diplomacy architecture occupies
no strategically significant role in pursuing US


policy objectives and is not integrated into
strategic policymaking at the highest level, as it
should be.
   Public diplomacy is a potentially powerful
weapon  in America's foreign and security policy
arsenal, but as currently conceived and configured,
it is largely dismissed by strategists and ignored by
practitioners. This is because its various operational
capabilities are hobbled by conflicting missions
that lack strategic coordination, duplicate often
unnecessary functions, share few assets that
could produce multiplier effects, are hostage to
processes and concepts whose intrinsic value to
the design and implementation of US policy is
questionable, and adapt reluctantly to a rapidly


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