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1 1 (August 2018)

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Key Points

  * What distinguishes the governments of Hungary and Poland are not their views on immi-
     gration nor their defense of national sovereignty or Europe's Judeo-Christian heritage.
     Rather, it is their distinctly authoritarian and anti-market features.
  * With a new Fundamental Law, electoral reform, and other far-reaching changes adopted
     in Hungary on strictly partisan lines, as well as a politicization of the judiciary and attacks
     on free media and civil society in both countries, the Law and justice Party (PiS) and Fidesz
     governments have sought to entrench themselves and prevent meaningful democratic
     contestation of their power.
   In both countries, key achievements of the post- 1989 transition to the free enterprise sys-
     tem are being reversed. In Poland, for example, 40 percent of all banking-sector assets
     are now held by the government.
  * Hungarian and Polish authoritarianism, as well as the rise of political kleptocracy in Hun-
     gary, pose a direct threat to the values on which the transatlantic alliance was built and
     America's interest in the region. The United States cannot afford to become a cheerleader
     for either Fidesz or PiS, no matter how convincing their conservative bona fides might seem.


The governments of the four Visegrdd countries
(Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slo-
vakia), as well as Austria, have recently risen to
international prominence due to their positions
on migration and asylum policy.1
   However, the focus on migration policy obfus-
cates important differences between the four Vis-
egrdd countries and Austria. To begin with, Austria
is not a postcommunist country and does not carry
the same political baggage. Not a NATO member
and lacking the experience of Soviet communism,
Austria is also much friendlier toward the Kremlin
than the Visegrdd countries, especially Poland.


   The Visegrdd Four are also divided. Slovakia is
a eurozone member, and its leading political parties
share a commitment to ensuring that the country
remains a part of the EU's integration core. Czech
governments, in comparison, have been traditionally
more lukewarm toward the EU, yet much more prag-
matic than those in Hungary and Poland.
   What sets the governments of Poland and Hun-
gary apart, led respectively by the Law and Justice
Party (PiS) and Fidesz, are not their hard-line views
on immigration nor their defense of national sover-
eignty or Europe's Judeo-Christian heritage. Rather,


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