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In connection with an assessment of AEI's work on the Middle East over the past two decades,
I drafted the following survey, The arc of our scholarship in this critical region is fascinating
and illuminates the continuity and evolution of the challenges the United States faces in the
Middle East. What is ultimately clear is that in the region both the challenge of destructive
ideas and the fostering of better ones will shape outcomes.


In 1999, anti-Americanism in Arab politics seemed
at the forefront of US challenges in the Middle East.
After all, even in Egypt and Jordan (major benefi-
ciaries of US assistance), a palpable anti-American
bias was evident in government, the press, and the
public. That anti-Americanism was wrapped up in
the never-ending ism romance of the Middle East.
fascism, socialism, modernism, authoritarianism,
militarism, and, yes, Islamism. But as they did with
so much else, the events of 9/11 upended our cal-
culus about the region, and they upended how the
US government, policymakers, and thought leaders
looked at the Arab world. Suddenly, Arab anti-
Americanism was neither the prime narrative nor
the best tool for understanding the threats emanat-
ing from the region; at best, it was a symptom of
the larger problem. Indeed, there is a narrative arc
from AEI's interest in the question of anti-Americanism
in 1999 to the current focus on issues relating to
drivers of conflict and social unrest in the Middle
East, on Shi'ite and Sunni sources of extremism,
on the nature of Salafi-jihadi extremism, and on
the mechanics of winning in places like Iraq and
Syria.


A Question of Principles

After 9/11, much of Middle East scholarship focused
on understanding the why and the who behind the
terrorist attacks. Then-AET Research Fellow David
Wurmser explained in October 2oo1 that at its core,
al Qaeda is a product of Saudi dynastic politics and
that bin Laden emerged from a dangerous strategic
shift underway since 1995.1 But understanding the
facts of the attacks did little to advance a set of
policies that could obviate future attacks. In zoo2,
I testified before the House Armed Services Com-
mittee:

   The clash of ideology is key. Up until now,
   we have focused on narrow questions: Have
   you frozen bank accounts? (A few.) Have you
   arrested people and provided intelligence?
   (A bit.) Are you assisting us with our military
   requirements? (Egypt, Bahrain and Qatar
   are, Saudi Arabia is a bit, others aren't much.)
   But too much of this assistance is temporary,
   based on the aftermath of September 11 and
   eked out by insistent US diplomacy.


AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE

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