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107 Harv. L. Rev. 1231 (1993-1994)
Rise and Rise of the Administrative State, The

handle is hein.journals/hlr107 and id is 1251 raw text is: THE RISE AND RISE
OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE STATE
Gary Lawson*
The post-New Deal administrative state is unconstitutional,' and
its validation by the legal system amounts to nothing less than a
bloodless constitutional revolution.2 The original New Dealers were
aware, at least to some degree, that their vision of the national gov-
ernment's proper role and structure could not be squared with the
written Constitution:3 The Administrative Process, James Landis's
classic exposition of the New Deal model of administration, fairly
drips with contempt for the idea of a limited national government
subject to a formal, tripartite separation of powers.4 Faced with a
choice between the administrative state and the Constitution, the
architects of our modern government chose the administrative state,
and their choice has stuck.
There is a perception among some observers, however, that this
post-New Deal consensus has recently come under serious legal attack,
* Associate Professor, Northwestern University School of Law. B.A. ig8o, Claremont Men's
College; J.D. 1983, Yale Law School. I am grateful to Robert W. Bennett, Steven G. Calabresi,
Cynthia R. Farina, Patricia B. Granger, Daniel Polsby, Martin H. Redish, Jennifer Roback,
Marshall Shapo, and the participants at colloquia at Cornell Law School and Northwestern
University School of Law for their insightful comments and suggestions.
I I use the word unconstitutional to mean at variance with the Constitution's original
public meaning. That is not the only way in which the word is used in contemporary legal
discourse. On the contrary, it is commonly used to mean everything from at variance with
the private intentions of the Constitution's drafters to at variance with decisions of the United
States Supreme Court to at variance with the current platform of the speaker's favorite political
party. These other usages are wholly unobjectionable as long as they are clearly identified and
used without equivocation. The usage I employ, however, is the only usage that fully ties the
words constitutional and unconstitutional to the actual meaning of the written Constitution.
A defense of this claim would require an extended essay on the philosophy of language, but I
can offer some preliminary observations: consider a recipe that calls for a dash of salt. If one
were reading the recipe as a poem or an aspirational tract, one might seek that meaning of
dash that is aesthetically or morally most pleasing. But if one is reading it as a recipe, one
wants to know what dash meant to an informed public at the time the recipe was written
(assuming that the recipe was written for public consumption rather than for the private use of
the author). Of course, once the recipe is understood, one might conclude that it is a bad recipe,
either because it is ambiguous or, more fundamentally, because the dish that it yields simply
isn't very appealing. But deciding whether to try to follow the recipe and determining what the
recipe prescribes are conceptually distinct enterprises. If the Constitution is best viewed as a
recipe - and it certainly looks much more like a recipe than a poem or an aspirational tract
- application of the methodology of original public meaning is the appropriate way to determine
its meaning.
2 Cf. Cass R. Sunstein, Constitutionalism After the New Deal, ioi HARV. L. REV. 421, 447-
48 (1987) (noting that the New Deal altered the constitutional system in ways so fundamental
as to suggest that something akin to a constitutional amendment had taken place).
3 See I BRUCE ACKERMAN, WE THE PEOPLE 44 (99I); Sunstein, supra note 2, at 430.
4 See JAMES M. LANDIS, THE ADMINISTRATIVE PROCESS passim (1938).

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