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1 George M. Weston, The Poor Whites of the South 1 (1856)

handle is hein.slavery/powhits0001 and id is 1 raw text is: 

        A  careful perusal of the following is commended to all who fMel all interest in the'eleva-
tion of the white as well as the colored race. It is a very clear exhibition of the condition of the
mass of the white population in the Slave States. Mr. WESTON, the author, was for some time the
editor of The Age, the leading Democratic paper in the State of Maine.



  THE POOR WHITES OF THE SOUTH.



                    BY GEORGE M. WESTON.



    Be  the sin, the dangers, and evils of Slavery all our own. We compel', we ask, none to
  share them with us.   [Letter of Governor Hammond of South Carolina to Thomas Clcrkson.


   The   number  of sJaveholders in the slave
States of this Union, as ascertained by the cen-
sus  returns of 1850, was three hundred  and
forty-seven thousand five hundred and twenty-
five. An   average of five persons and seven
tenths to a family, as assumed by the Superin-
tendent of the Census, would give 1,980,894 as
the number  of persons interested as slaveholders
in their own right, or by family relation. The
whole  number  of whites  in the slaveholding
States being 6,222,418, the slaveholding pro-
portion is a fraction short of 32 per cent.
  The  Superintendent of the Census, Professor
De  Bow, says of the number, 347,525, returned
as slaveholders :
   The number includes slave-hirers, but is exclu-
sive of those who are interested conjointly with oth-
ers in slave property. The two will about balance
each other, for the whole South, and leave the slave-
owners as stated.
   Where the party owns slaves in different Coun-
ties, or in different States, he will be entered more
than once. This will disturb the calculation very
little, being only the case among the larger proper-
ties.
  The  addition of those who are slave-hirers
merely, to the category of slave-owners, must,
I think, swell their number much more than it
is diminished by the exclusion of  those who
are interested conjointly with others in sltve
property. , Such instances of. conjoint interest
will occur most frequently in the family rela-
tions, already taken into the account, when we
multiplied the number of slaveholders returned
by five and seven tenths. A comparison of the
returns frqm Maryland, the District of Colum-
bia, and Virginia, where slave-hiring is much
practiced, with Alabama, Mississippi, and Lou-
siana, where it is less practiced, shows the fol-
lowing results:


  Maryland,  Virginia, and the District of Co-
lumbia,  with 566,583  slaves, return 72,584
slave-owners. A'abama,  Mississippi, and Lou-
isiana, with 897,531 slaves, return 73,081 slave-
owners.   The relative excess of slave-owners
returned in Virginia, Maryland, and the District'
of Columbia, must  be attributed, in part, to the
inclusion of  a relatively larger number  of
slave-hirers. Upon  the whole, it may safely
be concluded that at least seven tenths of the
whites in the slave States, are not slive-owners,
either in their own right or by family relation.
The  number  of white males in the slave States.
aged  twenty-one years and upward,  in 1850,
was  1,490,892.
  Considering that the number of 347,525, re-
turned as slave-owners, is subject to some de-
ductions, and considering that of the slave-
owners  many   are females and  minors, it is
probable' that not exceeding one fifth of the
white  male  adults of the slave States own
slaves.           I
  The  non-siaveholding wites  of the South,
being not less than seven tenths of the whole
number  of whites, would seem to be entitled to
some  inquiry into their actual condition; and
especially, as they have no real political weight
or consideration in the country, and little op--
portunity to speak for theinselves. I have beer.
for twenty years a reader of Southern news-
papers, and a reader and hearer of Congression.
al debates; but, in all that time, I do not recolk
lect ever, to have seen or heard these non-slave -
holding whites refejred to by Southern gentle-
men, as constituting any part of what they call
 the South.  When   the rights of the South,
or its wrongs, or its polici, or its interests, or
its institutions, are spoken of, reference is always
intended to the rights, wrongs, policy, interests,
and institutions, of the three hundred and forty

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