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1 Henry Wilson, Aggressions of the Slave Power 17 (1860)

handle is hein.slavery/agrslvow0001 and id is 1 raw text is: 




   AGGRESSIONS OF THE SLAVE POWER.



 SPEECHa doctrine sanctioned and sustained ythe great
    SPEH     OF  MHONACHSENRYWILN             men  of this country fo,- twp generations ; a doc-
              OF MASSACHUSETS,
 IN REPLY   TO   HON.  JEFFERSON DAVIS.       trine endorsed as constitutional by the Supreme
                                               Court of the United States in 1810, 1819, 1828,
       Delivered in the Senate, January 26, 1860.  and in 1840; endorsed as constitutional by the
  M.  WILSON. Mr. President,   during the pastthe State the Senator from
             M .  TLSN. M. Pesidntdurig te pat Mississippi represents in 1818-I say, sir, that
seven weeks, these Halls have rung with angry the Republican call summoned  all of this class
menaces  of disunion. Disunion has  been pre- of men in America into its National Convention.
dicted, disunion has been  threatened, in the The  Republican party laid down  principles as
event of the triumph of the Republican party in broad as the Union itself. It embraced the whole
November  next. We  have sat here coolly, calm- country Fnd the interests of the whole country
ly, and listened to those angry and noisy men- in its policy. It adopted no sectional creed, no
aces.  Yesterday, I gathered uip some of these sectional atform, no sectional policy, but stood
predictions, some of these arguments, some of  upon the ancient faith of our fathers, and there
these th~ats of disunion, and presented them to it stands to-day, upon an impregnable basis,
the consSeration of the Senate.  The  Senator  where stood the men who  framed the Constitu-
from Mississippi, [Mr. DAvis,] with, I thought, tion of the United States and early administer-
something of sensibility, something of feeling, re- ed it.
plied to those remarks. I know, sir, that there  So much, sir, for my right to speak as a Re-
comes  to us, from the loyal and patriotic freemen publican, and to rebuke the disunion avowals of
of the North, the voice of condemnation of the men who  have adopted a new creed, a new read-
angry  menaces which  have been made  in these       asg of the Constitution, and who threaten to pull
Chambers.   There come  to Senators on the other down the columns of the Union unless this na-
side of this C  amb   the imploring appeals of tion accepts their new creeds and their new con-
men  who  are shivering over the political graves structions of constitutional power. That is it.
their leaders in these halls are digging for them. Let the country understand it. The Republican
Sir, I was glad to see, yesterday, when the de- party stands upon the doctrine of Washington,
larations of Democratic presses and leaders were Jefferson, and the men who framed the Consti-
presented to their view, a degree of feeling uan- tution. It stands upon doctrines saactioned by
ifested on the other side of the Chamber. Sena- the highest judicial tribunal of the country in
tors are beginning to feel that it is no easy task Sother and itter days. The Republican party
to look these Democratic menaces  of disloyalty proposes nothing new, but stands by the old tra-
to the Union in the face. I take the movement  ditional policy. A new  school, accepting the
yesterday  to be a premonitory symptom  of're- creed that came from. the brain of Calhoun in
treat from positions which even the Senator from 1847. now exists, and we who choose to follow
Mississippi cannot maintain. I say to the Senate 1the fathiers rather than these new lights are
and  the country, that we shall now witness the threatened now with the overthrow of the Gov-
retreat of the Democratic leaders from their dis- ement if we do not accept their new constitu-
loal  and revolutionary positions.         tional constructions.    That is the whole of it,
   The Senator from Mississippi called upon me and let the country understand it.
 to say why I had arraigned gentlemen here for   The  Senator objected to my right to speak,
 these avowals. He  charged it upon the Repub- Ibecause, in 1851, 1 attended a social festival in
 lican party, that, in 1856, it aent ol under a see- Boston, and made a speech at that festival. Let
 tional banner, on a sectional platform, and under me say that I stand by that speech here to-day.
 the lead of a sectional candidate; and, in so do- I do not disavow a  word of it. That speech is
 ing, it seceded from the Union ; it adopted prac- not full nor complete, and it dnes not report ail
 tical secession. Now, I have to say to that Sen- I did sy ; hut what is reported I stead by. in
 ator, that th call for the Republican National that speech I did say, then and there, to the faces
 Convention, in 1856, was addressed to all men of gentlemen, what I have said all my life. I
 North and  Sooth, who concurred in the senti- i84r wits a            ose          to ollow
 ments of the Republican fathers, who wqe op-  and      raty  know, and everybody in my State knowas,
 posed to the extension of slavery, and in favor of that I disagree with those gentlemen in regnid
 its prohibition in the Territories of the United nto their views of the Constitution, of State rigis,
 States        foand that call would have summoned and of the Union. I netr r uttered a word or
 Washington  and  Jefferson, and the men who   dreamed  a dream  of hostility to the Union f
 fouaded the Government of the country, into the these States, and I neer even allowed myself to
 Convention.  Men from  the South camne to that put a case of disunion even as a supposition, as
 Convention, and  when  they returned to their a contingency. But, sir, attending that festival ,
 homes they were denounced for their attendance, on an invitation, I spoke of the fidelity of Mr.
 and one of them banished frona his State. That Garrison, and of those that associated with him-
 Republican  call invited the people who could m                   ten who do not vote, men who hold no offices,
 staned on the doctrine of slavery restriction that men who will accept no offices, men that you
 came frobthepen  of Thomas Jefferson in 1784- may  call fanatical, if you please, but men who

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