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39 Legis. Stud. Q. 1 (2014)

handle is hein.journals/lgvessqy39 and id is 1 raw text is:                    ®   - °Comparative
  Legislative                               Le'   fv
  Studies Quarterly                                          Oesea




Introduction

     In the past year, it sometimes seemed that political polarization had
gotten to the point where the U.S. Congress was paralyzed. In the first
article in this issue of the Quarterly, Adam Bonica examines how the
U.S. Senate came  to be as polarized as it has recently appeared. He
develops a novel dynamic ideal point estimation technique that allows
him to track polarization within and across legislative sessions. Examin-
ing roll-call vote data from 1971 to 2010, Bonica reports that replace-
ment  of  Senate  members   accounted  for much   of the  increased
polarization from the early 1970s to the mid-1990s. From the mid-1990s
on, however, ideological adaptation (where members alter their voting
behavior to fit changing political tides), appears to explain the additional
increase in polarization. Interestingly, and perhaps more controversially,
Bonica suggests particular political events, notably the budget fight and
government  shutdown  in 1995, the invasion of Iraq in 2003, and the
healthcare reform battle of 2010, caused sharp and enduring spikes in
polarization. Left open for future research is whether the paralysis
evident in Congress in the last year will have the same impact or whether
other forces will bring the parties closer together again.
     One  of the more conspicuous places where polarization has sur-
faced in the U.S. Senate in recent decades is on judicial nominations. The
recent rise in the use of the filibuster to block the confirmation of judges
generated such controversy that in late 2013 the Democrats instituted
rules changes to subject most judicial nominations to a simple majority
vote. The potential impact of these changes is examined in Jed Stiglitz's
analysis of 218 judicial confirmations to U.S. Courts of Appeals between
1976  and 2001. Stiglitz tests eight theoretical models that attempt to
explain the observed ideology of these judges. He finds that the existence
of the filibuster and, most likely, the preferences of the majority party,
best explain the outcomes witnessed. Interestingly, Stiglitz reports that
the sorts of judges confirmed did not change in the wake of the ugly
Robert Bork Supreme  Court confirmation battle, an event many assume
altered the way the Senate considered judicial nominations. The most
intriguing finding, however, is that the existence of the filibuster produces
a more moderate judiciary and that its absence would increase the con-
tentiousness of nomination battles and result in a more polarized bench.
     An  alleged contributor to partisan polarization in the United States
is the manner in which legislative districts get drawn. Although gerry-
mandering  cannot, of course, account for polarization in the U.S. Senate,

LEGISLATIVE   STUDIES  QUARTERLY,   XXXIX,  1, February 2014           1
DOI: 10.1111/lsq.12037
© 2014 The Comparative Legislative Research Center of The University of Iowa

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